Osiris was regarded not only as the waters upon earth, the rivers and streams, the moisture in the soil and in the bodies of animals and plants, but also as ” the waters of life that are in the sky “.

” As Osiris was identified with the waters of earth and sky, he may even become the sea and the ocean itself. We find him addressed thus : ‘ Thou art great, thou art green, in thy name of Great Green (Sea) ; lo, thou art round as the Great Circle (Okeanos) ; lo, thou art turned about, thou art round as the circle that encircles the Haunebu

The Egyptians spoke of the mysterious Hanebut (or Haunebut), a people who lived in the region of Amenti. The name of the Hanebut means “People of the Haze” or “Behind the Islands” or “People of the Pillar” (Hau-nabha in Sanskrit and Dravida) The elusive Hanebut invaded and conquered Upper Egypt in pre-Dynastic times, and who were later expelled when Egypt was unified by King Menes. Several Egyptian pharaohs claimed ownership over “Haunebut” The Greek portion of the Rosetta Stone text clearly translates the phrase Haunebu – meaning “the people of Haunebut” – as Greek or Hellene And Greece does lie “behind the islands” of the Aegean Sea, when viewed from Egypt Thutmosis III boasted that he had “trussed… the Haunebut” and struck those that lived “in the midst of the Great Green Sea” In a single year, he claimed to have collected 36,692 deben of gold from his conquered subjects – the equivalent of three metric tons – of which 27,000 kilos is specifically said to have come from the Asian provinces and the Isles in the Midst of the Great Green Sea Apollo is second only to Zeus. Lady Leto rejoices in that she bore the Lord of the Bow, her mighty son.” The Nine Bows ” tA Sma Upper Egypt ” tA mHw Lower Egypt ” iwntyw sti Nuban people Iuntiu ” mntyw nw sTt Asian people Mentiu ” THnw people Chehenu ” pDt Sw archers Shu / pen ” sxt iAmw bog land Iamu ” SAt foreign land Shat ” HAw nbw foreign land Hau-Skies [Haunebut/Helu nebut] Apollo is a northerner; we have traced him to the Valley of Tempe, which lies at the base of Olympus. We have seen him worshipped in Pæonia. Can we go farther north? By the help of another title of Apollo we can. Apollo is Hyperboreios. Boreas, we know, is the North Wind, and the Hyperboreans, over whom Apollo reigned, used to be explained as the people beyond the North Wind. But the term ‘Koreas” still needs elucidation. Boreas means the mountain wind, and the word “Bora” still survives as the name of a mountain in old Serbia, and its correlative in Slavonic is “Gora.” Martial (Epigr. Lib. VIII. 78; Ibid. Epigr. VIII. 50), calls Domitian’s triumph over the Dacians “triumph over the Hyperboreans” and in another place “triumph over the Gigants”. Finally, the same Martial, in another epigram of his celebrates this way Domitian’s victories: “Three times did he cross the treacherous horns (the legendary arms) of the Sarmatic Ister; three times he bathed his sweaty horse in the snow of the Getae; and always modest, he refused the triumphs which he deserved, and brought with him only the glory to have defeated the world of the Hyperboreans” (Ibid, Epigr. Lib. IX. 102). After these victories over the Dacians, Domitian threw a magnificent feast in Rome, for all the social classes, the patricians, soldiers and the simple people. With this occasion, according to Martial, the entire Rome tasted from the divine ambrosia (Ibid, Epigr. VIII. 50). Domitian, who only after long and hard battles had taken the holy mountain of Dacia (Statius, Sylvae, I.v.80-81), had apparently taken from the pastoral tribes of this mountain, and had also brought to Rome the national food of the ancient Olympian divinities, called in Greek traditions ambrosia. So, the holy mountain on which the Dacians had sworn their oath before starting the war with the Romans, appears at Statius and Martial as the famous mountain from the country of the Hyperboreans (see the following chapter), where the gods had made their oath near the great altar to fight together against the Titans, and where the ancient Gigants had assaulted the Olympian gods. Hyperboreans as especially addicted to the worship of Apollo and Inana; Herodotus confirms the fact, as to the fire–worship of the Scythians;–he describes them, indeed, as also worshipping Jupiter and Neptune and Hercules; and we have seen that Pindar leads the latter hero among the Hyperboreans; but it has been shewn by Mr. Bryant that Jupiter and Neptune and Hercules were, in the worship of some heathen nations, identical with Apollo, and he again identical with the Canaani-tish Baal,—with the Ammon of Lybia,–with the Apis of Egypt,– with the Arabian Saturn or time,–with the Zeus, ****, or Thoth of Assyria,–with the Egyptian Serapis,–and with Mithras or Osiris ; that he was also the Bacchus of Thrace, and the îitMoç or Sun of Babylonish worship Celtae were the descendants of Celtus, the son of Polyphemus of Grecian story, they are to be referred to Cyclopian original, (or the race of Anakinis who were worshippers of the Sun🙂 and the Arimaspians, as surmised by Mr. Bryant, were probably Hyperborean Cyclopians, having the Egyptian symbol of an eye over the entrance of their temples, or otherwise prominently exhibited in their worship,–as the same symbol was seen over the temples of Osiris (the Grecian Apollo,) in Egypt Cybele or Selene,and that the hive was used as a symbol of the ark, from which issued the swarm that was to re-people the earth. This emblem is found on ancient Grosco, Scythian Medals, and others belonging to Greece and Asia, representing this Goddess. Atlas and Iapetus lost their land in the rebellion against Zeus and it was divided between he and Poseidon. Hades was very upset when he arrived in his lands, realizing that it was small and held Tartarus. Egyptians, like modern Japanese, could not pronounce L and always replaced it with R. When therefore (I suggest) the priests told him that all the kings of the ancient island were sprung from the sea-god and his wife ‘the Lady Kretu’, he guessed wrongly that this was a mispronunciation and turned it back, as he thought, into the prettily heroic-sounding Greek Kleito (Crit. 113 d). Kleitor, a town of only local interest in northern Arkadia Although late writings depict him as a god, the earliest texts depict him as a king (The Palermo Stone versus The Coffin Texts; Faulkner, 1974). Thoth was born in a distant country to the west which was across a body of water. Its main city was by the sea (Plato’s metropolis). The land possessed volcanos and the city had a low mountain or large hill in the center. This land is sometimes referred to as an Island of Fire. (Book of the Dead, Hymn of Rameses IV and Pyramid Texts) Thoth is known as “Lord of the horizon”; and like Poseidon, the earthshaker, Thoth is sometimes called “cleaver of the earth” (Papyrus of Ani, Chapter LXI). In Chapter LXXXV of the Book of the Dead, Thoth rules the “Western Domain,” and by the end of the New Kingdom he is called “Lord of the West” (Seth, 1912). He is said to be the inventor of writing, astronomy, mathematics and civilization in general (Budge, 1960). Thoth is often called the Scribe (Pyramid Texts; Book of the Dead, et al.); his Egyptian name, Tehuti, means “the measurer” (Budge, 1960). A catastrophe occurred which darkened the sun and disturbed the gods, but Thoth led them across the sea to an eastern country [Egypt]. Thoth is depicted as the “controller of the Flood,” (Leyden Papyrus) and the Theban Recension includes the Island of Fire in the Flood story. (Papyrus of Ani, Chap. CLXXV) Thoth thus appears to be ruler of an Island Kingdom in the West. “King Menes, the Ruler of Mizraim, the Land of the Two Crowns, the perished dead one in the West of the Horus race . . . The Commander-in-Chief of Ships made the complete course to the end of the Sunset Land. Sailing in ships, he completed the inspection of the Western Land. He built there a holding in Urani Land. At the Lake of the Peak, fate pierced him by a Hornet (or Wasp) . . . This drilled tablet set up of hanging wood is dedicated to his memory.” –Trans. by R. Cedric Leonard. (Compare with Petrie, 1923) 2] Cities of the plain Inanna dresses elaborately for the visit, with a turban, a wig, a lapis lazuli necklace, beads upon her breast, the ‘pala dress’ (the ladyship garment), mascara, pectoral, a golden ring on her hand, and she held a lapis lazuli measuring rod. Perhaps Inanna’s garments, unsuitable for a funeral, along with Inanna’s haughty behaviour make Ereshkigal suspicious. Following Ereshkigal’s instructions, the gatekeeper tells Inanna she may enter the first gate of the underworld, but she must hand over her lapis lazuli measuring rod. She asks why and is told ‘It is just the ways of the Underworld’. She obliges and passes through. The walls of Troy. Poseidon and Apollo, having offended Zeus, were sent to serve King Laomedon of Troy He had them build huge walls around the city and promised to reward them well, a promise he then refused to fulfill In vengeance, before the Trojan War, Poseidon sent a sea monster to attack Troy (it was later killed by Perseus) The extinct aurochs (Bos primigenius primigenius) was a large type of cattle that ranged over almost the whole Eurasian continent. The aurochs is the wild progenitor of modern cattle, but it is unclear whether European aurochs contributed to this process. To provide new insights into the demographic history of aurochs and domestic cattle, we have generated high-confidence mitochondrial DNA sequences from 59 archaeological skeletal finds, which were attributed to wild European cattle populations based on their chronological date and/or morphology. All pre-Neolithic aurochs belonged to the previously designated P haplogroup, indicating that this represents the Late Glacial Central European signature. We also report one new and highly divergent haplotype in a Neolithic aurochs sample from Germany, which points to greater variability during the Pleistocene. Furthermore, the Neolithic and Bronze Age samples that were classified with confidence as European aurochs using morphological criteria all carry P haplotype mitochondrial DNA, suggesting continuity of Late Glacial and Early Holocene aurochs populations in Europe. Bayesian analysis indicates that recent population growth gives a significantly better fit to our data than a constant-sized population, an observation consistent with a postglacial expansion scenario, possibly from a single European refugial population. Previous work has shown that most ancient and modern European domestic cattle carry haplotypes previously designated T. This, in combination with our new finding of a T haplotype in a very Early Neolithic site in Syria, lends persuasive support to a scenario whereby gracile Near Eastern domestic populations, carrying predominantly T haplotypes, replaced P haplotype-carrying robust autochthonous aurochs populations in Europe, from the Early Neolithic onward. During the period of coexistence, it appears that domestic cattle were kept separate from wild aurochs and introgression was extremely rare. Trade routes tend to reflect migratory paths. From 10,000 years ago until today, the geography of the region from China to the Black Sea and the entry of the Danube river encourages certain paths for cattle and people to follow and discourages other routes. 10,000 years ago the areas which are now desert were more temperate, and this is not only evident in the Sahara and Middle East but also near the Iron Gates of the Caspian Sea. South of the gates, a few miles south of Baku at a place called Gobustan, are rock engravings dating from 10,000 to 8,000 years ago. Some of the engravings are reliefs and they show cattle, two-wheeled carts, lions, and other animals of a more temperate climate. The region is now arid. Ancestors of the Indo-Europeans may have been growing crops and raising cattle in this once luscious place, and it may very well have been the entry to a passage south of the Caucus Mountains to the ancient town of Colchis on the Black Sea (The passage south, between the Caspian and Black Seas, may have been facilitated at that time by the presence of a waterway, from an expanded sea environment ‚Äì could they have travelled from the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea by boat ). Colchis is the ancient place in the story of Jason and the Argonauts where Jason took the Golden Fleece, and it is also near the place in the Caucus Mountains where Prometheus was bound and tormented. [24e] From that place passage toward the other islands began at that time for those passing through and going away from the islands toward this region in the opposite direction, an entire mainland around the actual Pontos sea in the latter region. domestication of a Paleolithic dog from a site in western Germany in the Rhine Valley (Oberkassel) Apple – Pyrus Malus, Linnaeus. The apple tree grows wild throughout Europe (excepting in the extreme north), in Anatolia, the south of the Caucasus, and the Persian province of Ghilan.1 Near Trebizond, the botanist Bourgeau saw quite a small forest of them.2 In the mountains of the north-west of India it is “apparently wild,” as Sir Joseph Hooker writes in his Flora of British India. No author mentions it as growing in Siberia, in Mongolia, or in Japan.3 There are 2 varieties wild in Germany, the 1 with glabrous leaves and ovaries, the other with leaves downy on the under side, and Koch adds that this down varies considerably.4 In France accurate authors also give 2 wild varieties, but with characters which do not tally exactly with those of the German flora.5 It would be easy to account for this difference if the wild trees in certain districts spring from cultivated varieties whose seeds have been accidentally dispersed. The question is, therefore, to discover to what degree the species is probably ancient and indigenous in different countries, and, if it is not more ancient in one country than another, how it was gradually extended by the accidental sowing of forms changed by the crossing of varieties and by cultivation. The country in which the apple appears to be in most indigenous is the region lying between Trebizond. and Ghilan. The variety which there grows wild has leaves downy on the under side, short peduncles, and sweet fruit,6 like Malus communis of France, described by Boreau. This indicates that its prehistoric area extended from the Caspian Sea nearly to Europe. Piddington gives in his Index a Sanskrit name for the apple, but Adolphe Pictet7 informs us that this name seba is Hindustani, and comes from the Persian sêb, sêf. The absence of an earlier name in India argues that the now common cultivation of the apple in Kashmir and Thibet, and especially that in the north-west and central provinces of India, is not very ancient. The tree was probably known only to the western Aryans. This people had in all probability a name of which the root was ab, af, av, ob, as this root recurs in several European names of Aryan origin. Pictet gives aball, ubhall, in Erse; afal in Kymric; aval in Armorican; aphal in old High German; appel in old English; apli in Scandinavian; obolys in Lithuanian; iabluko in ancient Slav; iabloko in Russian. It would appear from this that the western Aryans, finding the apple wild or already naturalized in the north of Europe, kept the name under which they had known it. The Greeks had mailea or maila, the Latins malus, malum, words whose origin, according to Pictet, is very uncertain. The Albanians, descendants of the Pelasgians, have molé.8 Theophrastus9 mentions wild and cultivated maila. Lastly, the Basques (ancient Iberians) have an entirely different. name, sagara, which implies an existence in Europe prior to the Aryan invasions. The inhabitants of the terra-mare of Parma, and of the palafittes of the lakes of Lombardy, Savoy, and Switzerland, made great use of apples. They always cut them lengthways, and preserved them dried as a provision for the winter. The specimens are often carbonized by fire, but the internal structure of the fruit is only the more clearly to be distinguished. Heer,10 who has shown great penetration in observing these details, distinguishes 2 varieties of the apple known to the inhabitants of the lake-dwellings before they possessed metals. The smaller kind are 15 to 24 mm. in their longitudinal diameter, and about 3 mm. more across (in their dried and carbonized state); the larger, 29, to 32 mm. lengthways by 36 wide (dried, but not carbonized). The latter corresponds to an apple of German-Swiss orchards, now called campaner. The English wild apple, figured in English Botany, pl. 179, is 17 mm. long by 22 wide. It is possible that the little apples of the lake-dwellings were wild; however, their abundance in the stores makes it doubtful. Dr. Gross sent me 2 apples from the more recent palafittes of Lake Neuchâtel; the one is 17 the other 22 mm. in longitudinal diameter. At Lagozza, in Lombardy, Sordelli11 mentions 2 apples, the one 17 mm. by 19, the other 19 mm. by 27. In a prehistoric deposit of Lago Varese, at Bardello, Ragazzoni found an apple in the stores a little larger than the others. From all these facts, I consider the apple to have existed in Europe, both wild and cultivated, from prehistoric times. The lack of communication with Asia before the Aryan invasion makes it probable that the tree was indigenous in Europe as in Anatolia, the south of the Caucasus, and Northern Russia, and that its cultivation began early everywhere. 1 Nyman, Conspectus Florae Europeae, p. 240; Ledebour, Flora Rossica, ii. p. 96; Boissier, Flora Orientalis, ii. p. 656; Decaisne, Nouv. Arch. Mus., x. p. 153. 2 Boissier, ibid. 3 Maximowicz, Prim. Ussur.; Regel, Opit. Flori, etc., on the plants of the Ussuri collected by Maak; Schmidt, Reisen Amur. Franchet and Savatier do not mention it in their Enum. Jap. Bretschneider quotes a Chinese name which, he says, applies also to other species. 4 Koch, Syn. Fl. Germ., i. p. 261. 5 Boreau, Fl. du Centre de la France, edit. 3, vol. ii. p. 236. 6 Boissier, ubi supra. 7 Orig. Indo-Eur., i. p. 276. 8 Heldreich, Nutzpflanzen Griechenlands, i. p. 64. 9 Theophrastus, De Causis, lib. 6, cap. 24 10 Heer, Pfahlbauten, p. 24, figs. 1-7. 11 Sordelli, Sulle Piante della Stazime di Lagozza, p. 35. The Greeks who dwell about the Pontus tell a different story. According to Hercules, when he was carrying off the cows of Geryon, arrived in the region [Pontus] which is now inhabited by the Scyths, but which was then a desert. Geryon lived outside the Pontus, in an island called by the Greeks Erytheia, near Gades, which is beyond the Pillars of Hercules upon the Ocean. Now some say that the Ocean begins in the east, and runs the whole way round the world; but they give no proof that this is really so. [Timaeus 24e] …your country [i.e. “polis”] — ( = polis humôn ) paused — ( = epausen) at-some-time — ( = pote ) a power — (= dunamin , [in feminine accusative case; this is the antecedent for 2 participles] ) carrying simultaneously — (= poreuomenên hama, [feminine accusative middle-voice present participle] ) a dual arrogance [i.e. “hybris] — (= hubrei, [in a gramatically dual form] ) upon all of Europe and Asia — ( = epi pasan Eurôpên kai Asian ) after stirring-up the outback HAw-nbwt — ( = exôthen hormêtheisan, [feminine accusative middle-voice past participle of “hormaw”]) from headquarters in the territorial waters (or Pelagus) of Atlas. — ( = ek tou Atlantikou pelagous ) note 1: Solon and Plato have chosen the indeclinable Greek word exôthen (meaning “outback”, or “outside”) as a translation of the Egyptian hieroglyphic name HAw-nbwt (meaning “land beyond everything”), which was used continually in Egypt from the 6th Dynasty until Roman times. 114c These, of course as whole clans, [= houtoi dê pantes] (i.e. themselves and descendents of these [= autoi kai eckgonai touton] for many generations) [= epi geneas pollas ] lived [= ôikoun] —- on-the-one-hand [= men] —- leading many foreign “Sea Peoples” lands, [= archontes pollon allon (kata to pelagos) neson] — but also [= eti de] —– — just as was stated previously — [= hôsper kai proteron errêthê] —- governing [= eparchontes] —- “Islands in the Midst of the Sea” (in this direction) [= tôn entos (deuro)] —- as far away as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. [= mechri te Aiguptou kai Turrênias]. Bar cEbroyo (Barhebraeus) Candelabrum sanctuarii = Cand. Liber radiorum = Rad. Ascensus mentis = Asc. Ethicon = Eth. Butyrum sapientiae = But. Pseudo- Callisthenes relates (p. 7 ff.) that (a) Alexander in his expedition to find the Spring of Immortality marched through a land of darkness, and arrived at a region very full of water. Here, in a spot where the air was sweetly scented, was a fountain with brightly shining water, and this was the Spring which he was seeking, but he did not know it. His cook, Andreas, recognising it because a dried fish which he washed in it was restored by its water to life, bathed himself in it and thus became immortal; but he concealed this from Alexander; (b) Andreas debauched Alexander’s daughter, and for this crime was cast into the sea, where he became a sea-daemon from whom the Adriatic Sea took its name; (c) from the region of the Spring Alexander marched onwards 30 schoinoi to the boundary of the Land of the Blest, CtaKapwov Xcppa, upon which shines a light that is not that of the sun or the moon (cf. ibid. p. 203); but he did not enter here, for two birds with human faces and voices bade him retire, and he obeyed. In Greece the firmamental water became the Okeanos of Homer, flowing round the earth. It is the water that was first divided in twain. If we call the one water a lake, we find the one was divided into two lakes, one to the south and one to the north of the circumpolar enclosure. The Okeanos was divided by a river that encircled all the earth. In Egyptian ritual it is called “the stream which has no end”. It is also described as “the stream of the lake in Sekhet-Hetep” or paradise. Further, the two lakes are portrayed as “the lake of Sa and the lake of the northern sky. It was observed that a stream came forth from the great lake in a white river that divided the one water into two great lakes. In this we see “the stream of the lake in the Sekhet-Hetep”, just as “the river went out of Eden to water the garden”. Ptah is portrayed as a beetle in the matrix of matter shaping the product. At this stage the seven elemental forces enter his service as the moulders who are called his seven assistants or associate-gods, the Ali = Elohim. In one of the hymns it is said to Ptah, as Tanen, “There was given to thee a power over the things of earth that were in a state of inertness, and thou didst gather them together after thou didst exist in thy form of Ta-tanen, in becoming the uniter of the double earth, which thy word of mouth begot and which thy hands have fashioned”. This was in making the lower earth of the Nun as the ground floor of Amenta, when the command to “let the earth come into being” was uttered by the God. XXXIII.[3] Istros. H. is much interested in this river, which he describes again in iv. 48-50 (where ‘it is the greatest of all rivers that we know’; cf. also iv. 99). Here he supposes it to rise in the extreme west of Europe. This view was held also by Aristotle [Meteor. i. 13 ek de tês Purênês (touto d’ estin oros) rheousin ho te Istros kai ho Tartêssos: the Ister then ‘flows through the whole of Europe’]. It is difficult to see how the Greeks reconciled it with their knowledge of the Rhone, but it is suggested that this was looked on as a southern offshoot of the Danube. Older geographers had made the Ister rise in the Rhipaean mountains, among the Hyperboreans; H. rightly ignored this mythical explanation, but his information was insufficient for an accurate account. Keltoi. H. derives his information, indirectly at any rate, from he Phoenicians, and therefore speaks of the Celts as being ‘outside the Pillars of Hercules’, where the Phoenicians found them. The ‘Pillars of Hercules’ are not found in Homer, but in Pindar (Olym. iii. 44) they occur, as the limit of the world; by H.’s time they had been definitely fixed. For the legends connecting Heracles with the W. cf. iv. 8 seq. The name was partly due to the identification of Heracles with the Tyrian Melcarth, partly to the tendency (Tac. Germ. 34) to give him ‘quidquid ubique magnificum’. Strabo (169-72) discusses the legends as to them; but Pomponius Mela (i. 5. 27), as befits a Spaniard, is the first to give an accurate account of them. So far as they are a reality, they correspond to Calpe and Abila (i.e. Gibraltar and the African Ceuta). Throughout all antiquity, memory of two famous proto-historic monuments, namely the Erakleos stelai or Pillars of Hercules, situated near a mountain gorge in the western parts of the Homeric Ocean, has been retained. Some of these traditions claimed that the famous Pillars of Hercules were simple commemorative monuments “laborum Herculis metae”. Hercules, as Pliny tells us (H. N. III), had reached these domains and, because here the mountains on both sides were joined together, had cut a mountain gap, opening a gorge to let the inland sea beyond it to drain through. In memory of this effort and its everlasting achievements, the indigenous population had named the two mountains which form this gorge, “The Pillars of Hercules” (Mela, lib. I. c. 5; Diodorus Siculus, I. IV. 18. 4; Strabo, I. III. 5). According to Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules were in the legendary and remote country of the pious and happy Hyperboreans. In one of his odes, Pindar tells us about Hercules’ trip to the sources of Istru, in the country of the Hyperboreans, from whom he had requested an oleander (wild olive tree), to plant it near Jove’s temple at Olympia, to shade the holy altars of the divinities and to crown the virtuous men (Olymp. III. V. 11-19). In the same ode, Pindar also mentions Hercules’ travel to the Istrian country, to Diana, the wonderful rider, and the Pillars of Hercules, as an extreme limit for brave deeds (Olymp. III. V. 26, 45; Isthm. III. 30). Finally, Pindar tells us in other odes of his, that Hercules had erected these columns as famous markers for the extreme limits of navigation; and that the last reaches of travel on water and land were in the region of the Hyperboreans (Nem. III. V. 19-25; Pyth. X. v. 29-30). So, according to the geographical notions expressed by Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules, these extreme limits of navigation and heroic actions, were on Hyperborean territory (Cf. Boeckhius, Pindari Opera, II. 2. 140), the territory of the just, holy (Pindar, Pyth. X. v. 42), wise (Origenes, c. Cels. I. 16) and long lived people of the Istru. We also find two important indications about the geographical situation of the Pillars of Hercules with Herodotus. As this author tells us, the Greeks near the Euxine Pontos had information about the Pillars of Hercules, which they said were outside the Euxine Pontos, near the big river named Oceanos (lib. IV. 8). And in another place Herodotus tells us about the Pillars of Hercules as being located in the geographical region of the Istru. “The Istru begins its course in the lands of the Celts and flows through the middle of Europe, which it cuts in two parts. The Celts though, live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and are neighbours with the Cynesii, who are the most extreme people in the western parts of Europe. And the Istru flows into the sea near Istria, city which is inhabited by a Milesian colony” (lib. II. C. 33). Close to the Pillars of Hercules, the ancient geographers also mentioned two islands named Gadeira, Gadira (Scylax, Periplus, 1. 111), both situated inside the strait (Dionysus, Orbis Descriptio, v. 450). One of these islands was considered as the extreme terminus point of navigation on the old Oceanos, beyond which the commercial vessels could not pass (Pindar, Nem. IV. 69; Pliny, V. 17. 2; Eustathius, Commentarii in Dionysium, v.451). The poet Pindar calls the Pillars of Hercules Pylai Gadeirides (Frag. 155 in Strabo, lib. III. 5. 5-6), in other words “The Gates Gadira”. From the information which Herodotus had got from the Greeks of Scythia, this extreme island called Gadira was situated in the big river called Oceanos, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, close to Erythia island (lib. IV. c. 8); or in other words, the island Gadira was known also to the Black Sea merchants. Further upstream from the island Gadira, navigation was not possible. There the stone walls were so close that, according to Pliny (H. N. lib. IX. 3. 1), one single tree could hinder with its branches the passing of the vessels. In Homer’s Iliad (VIII, v. 15; II. v. 783; Hesiod, Theog. v. 820 seqq), this renowned gate of Europe is known under the name of sydereiai pylai, in other words The Iron Gates. They were located in the country of the Arimi, the place where Typhon, the legendary dragon of Theogony, had been thrown in a deep cave. Near the Pillars of Hercules there was a long and wide strip of snaggy rocks, some visible, others hidden under the surface of the water, which stretched across the bed of the old Oceanos from one bank to the other (Scylax, Periplus, 112). In regard to the ancient geographical meanings of the word Oceanos, we can distinguish three periods. In the first period, or ante-Homeric, under the name of “Oceanos” was understood to be the Pontos, or the Black Sea, a name from which the epithet axeinos had been preserved until late, but with an entirely different meaning in Greek language than the original one, and the Istru was considered in those times only as a gulf of the Ocean (Strabo, I. 1. 7). Another gulf of this Ocean was formed by the Meotic Lake (Pliny, II. 67). In the second geographical period, or the Homeric and Hesiodic times, the Black Sea is Pontos, and the Istru appears under the name ‘Ocheanos potamos and roos ‘Ocheanoio. Finally, in the third period, the names “Oceanos” and “Oceanos potamos” are merge and the term “Oceanos” is applied only to the external seas]. According to Homer and Hesiodus, the country of the first deified kings of the ancient world had been in the extreme parts of the Greek horizon, at north of Thrace or Istru, called in Greek legends Oceanos potamos, the father of gods (Homer, Iliad, XIV, v. 201. 227). The ancient “Oceanos potamos” of the geography of Pelasgian times was not an internal sea, but neither external, as it was later believed, but a simple river, roos (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 402; Odyss. XI. 21. 639; XII. 1; Hesiodus, Op. 566); mediteranean, messo; big, megalos potamos (Homer, Odyss. XI. 157-8); deep flowing, bathurroos (Homer, Odyss. XI. 13); which had its sources (Hesiodus, Theog. v. 282), cataracts (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 403; Orpheus, Argon. V. 1069. 1160; Strabo, I. 1. 7) and whirlpools (Homer, Odyss. X. 511), and which, as Homer tells us, could not be crossed by foot, but only by ship or well built boats (Odyss. XI. 158). Beyond Oceanos potamos, there still existed a considerable part of the European continent, with other rivers, high mountains, rocks, woods (Homer, Odyss. X. 508 seqq; Hesiodus, Theog. v. 129), vast and fertile plains (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 541 seqq), often named in the geography of those times ta eschata and peirata gaies meaning the extreme regions, and “ultima terra” by Ovid (Trist. III. 4. 52). Homer does not say anywhere that Oceanos had been an external sea. In fact, the Greeks did not know in those times either the western Ocean, or the northern one. It is true that Homer (Hymn. in Ven. 228) and Hesiodus (Theog. 79. 282) tell us that Oceanos potamos flew alongside Gaea or Terra. The same geographical idea is also expressed in the text of the Iliad. On the shield of Achilles, Homer tells us, Vulcan had represented in fact not the entire terrestrial globe, but only the fertile land from the northern parts of Thrace, Gaia (Terra), also called “polus Geticus”; where the constellations of the “Ursa” rotate; where some plough the rich and wide plains, and others harvest the abundant crops, where are vineyards with excellent grapes, golden and black, which young girls and boys gather in baskets, singing with pleasant voices, and beating the earth rhythmically with their feet. Near this land, so rich in its crops and attractive for its customs and its pastoral and agricultural festivities, Vulcan, the Iliad tells us, had also shown on the edge of the shield the river Oceanos potamos. In ancient Greek poems, Oceanos potamos also has the epithet aphorroos (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 399; Odyss. XX. 65), a word whose real meaning is that the flowing water of the river Oceanos was turning back in some places, or formed whirlpools. The same term is often replaced by the epithet bathudines, with deep eddies (Homer, Odyss. X. 511; Hesiodus, Theog. v. 133). In the Argonautic legends, Oceanos potamos is the same slowly flowing river like the Istru of later times. According to Hesiodus, Pindar, Antimachus and Orpheus, the Argonauts pass from the Euxine Pontos in the Mediterranean, sailing on Oceanos potamos (Hesiodus, Fragm. 57); and according to Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. IV. 288) and Valerius Flaccus (Argon. VIII. 185), they take the same way westwards, but navigating on the Istru, also called cheras ‘Ocheanoio. The great river called Oceanos potamos, came from remote regions (Eschyl, Prom. v. 284), flew towards the Pontos from west to east; it then crossed the narrow straits of the Riphei mountains or Carpathians (Orpheus, Argon. V. 1080. 1123; 1201), where it formed many deep whirlpools, very dangerous for navigation (Ibid. v. 1083). Oceanos potamos, after leaving the precipitous straits of the Riphei mountains, flew through the valley or basin of these mountains (Orpheus, Argon. v. 1079), passed alongside plains with extensive pastures, where dwelt the most just of people (Ibid. v. 1136) and numerous pastoral tribes of Scythians, Hyperboreans, Getae, Sauromatae, Sindi, Arimaspians, etc (Ibid. v. 1062 seqq). The sailing boats navigated upriver on Oceanos potamos helped by the north wind Boreas (Homer, Odyss. X. 97). For Hesiodus, Oceanos potamos is a “sacred” river, ieros roos (Opera et dies, v. 566). Near Oceanos potamos were “the islands of the blessed”, macharon nasoi, destined as eternal residence for the illustrious men fallen at Thebes and Troy (Hesiodus, Opera et dies. v. 171). Among these “blessed” islands, the most famous had been in Homeric times Leuce (Pliny, lib. IV. 27. 2), today the Serpents’ Island, situated near the mouths of the Danube, where according to legends Achilles, the great hero of Trojan times, had been buried. cheras ‘Ocheanoio Ocheanos potamos roos ‘Ocheanoio Sea of Saturn Kronios ‘Ocheanos Kronios pontos Mare cronium Homer mentions two ethnic groups of Ethiopians. Some of these dwelt in the east, while others dwelt near Oceanos potamos, the place where, according to the old traditions, the sun set. These latter Ethiopians are also called esperioi, westerners, or from the western regions (Strabo, II. 5. 15), the most extreme people known to the Greeks, virtuous and saintly. The western Ethiopians, or from near Oceanos potamos, are the men favored by gods. According to Stephanos Byzantinos they (Aithiops) were the first to revere the gods, the first who used laws; and the founders of their civilisation had been Mithras and Phlegyas. Jove and all the gods attend their solemn banquets, when they sacrifice hundreds (hecatombs) of bulls and lambs (Homer, Odyss. I. 23; Iliad, I. 428; XXIII. 205). With the poet Pindar, these latter Ethiopians appear under the name of Hyperboreans (Pyth. X. 30 seqq), and with Dionysius Periegetus, under the name of Macrobii, meaning the long lived people. Hesiod places geographically the Ethiopians with the Ligyiens and the Ippomolgian Scythians (Fragm. 132). According to Eschyl (Prom. vinct. 808. 809) they dwelt near the gold rich Arimaspians, and according to Dionysius Periegetus they lived in the beautiful valleys of Kernes / Cerne (v. 218 seqq), or near Erythia, close to the Atlas mountain (Ibid. v. 558-560; Avienus, v. 738 seqq). Through antiquity, memory of two famous proto-historic monuments, namely the Erakleos stelai or Pillars of Hercules, situated near a mountain gorge in the western parts of the Homeric Ocean, has been retained. Some of these traditions claimed that the famous Pillars of Hercules were simple commemorative monuments “laborum Herculis metae”. Hercules, as Pliny tells us (H. N. III), had reached these domains and, because here the mountains on both sides were joined together, had cut a mountain gap, opening a gorge to let the inland sea beyond it to drain through. In memory of this effort and its everlasting achievements, the indigenous population had named the two mountains which form this gorge, “The Pillars of Hercules” (Mela, lib. I. c. 5; Diodorus Siculus, I. IV. 18. 4; Strabo, I. III. 5). The Pillars of Hercules near Oceanos potamos In pre-historical antiquity, the Pillars of Hercules had been a geographical reality. This was the general opinion of the ancient geographers and historians. The fact that results from all these traditions is that the so-called Pillars of Hercules were neither near the Iberian Ocean, which, until the 11th century bc had been unknown to the Phoenicians and Greeks, nor near the Northern Sea or Baltic, which became known to the ancient world only since Cesar’s times. They were near the archaic Ocean at the north of Thrace, the big river of the theogony, the place where takes place the most remarkable deeds of the Pelasgian hero Hercules, in the blessed country of the Hyperboreans, rich in gold, rich in flocks, in miraculous herds and fabulous harvests, country towards which was directed the commercial navigation of the southern Pelasgians, Egyptians, Phoenicians and Greeks, since the most ancient times. According to Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules were in the legendary and remote country of the pious and happy Hyperboreans. In one of his odes, Pindar tells us about Hercules’ trip to the sources (or the cataracts) of Istru, in the country of the Hyperboreans, from whom he had requested an oleander (wild olive tree), to plant it near Jove’s temple at Olympia, to shade the holy altars of the divinities and to crown the virtuous men (Olymp. III. V. 11-19). In the same ode, Pindar also mentions Hercules’ travel to the Istrian country, to Diana, the wonderful rider, and the Pillars of Hercules, as an extreme limit for brave deeds (Olymp. III. V. 26, 45; Isthm. III. 30). Finally, Pindar tells us in other odes of his, that Hercules had erected these columns as famous markers for the extreme limits of navigation; and that the last reaches of travel on water and land were in the region of the Hyperboreans (Nem. III. V. 19-25; Pyth. X. v. 29-30). So, according to the geographical notions expressed by Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules, these extreme limits of navigation and heroic actions, were on Hyperborean territory (Cf. Boeckhius, Pindari Opera, II. 2. 140), the territory of the just, holy (Pindar, Pyth. X. v. 42), wise (Origenes, c. Cels. I. 16) and long lived people of the Istru, or the lower Danube. We also find two important indications about the geographical situation of the Pillars of Hercules with Herodotus. As this author tells us, the Greeks near the Euxine Pontos had positive information about the Pillars of Hercules, which they said were outside the Euxine Pontos, near the big river named Oceanos (lib. IV. 8). And in another place Herodotus tells us about the Pillars of Hercules as being located in the geographical region of the Istru. “The Istru begins its course in the lands of the Celts and flows through the middle of Europe, which it cuts in two parts. The Celts though, live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and are neighbours with the Cynesii, who are the most extreme people in the western parts of Europe. And the Istru flows into the sea near Istria, city which is inhabited by a Milesian colony” (lib. II. C. 33). So, according with the geographical sources of Herodotus, the Pillars of Hercules were not near the Iberian Sea, but in a continental region of Europe, near the Istru, on the eastern side of the Celts, or between the Celts and the Scythians, because, as Diodorus Siculus writes, the Celts were spread in more or less considerable large groups as far as Scythia (lib. III. 32. 1). The Roman poet Avienus, born at Volsinium in Etruria, ex proconsul of Africa and Achaia, summarizes this way the geographical and astronomical ideas of the ancients regarding the Pillars of Hercules: “In the extreme parts of the (known) earth rise up to the sky the Pillars of Hercules, of a longish shape. Here is the place called Gadir, here the superb craggy Atlas rises, here the sky turns around a strong axle, here the hub of the earth and the universe is surrounded by clouds” (Descriptio orbis terrae, v. 98-104). Cardines Mundi on the Atlas mountain, called also axis boreus, axis hyperboreus, polus Geticus, were, as we saw in the previous chapter, in the western parts of the Black Sea, on the territory of Roman Dacia. The Pillars of Hercules belonged therefore, according to the ancient astronomical and geographical theories, to the boreal region. This was also the tradition of the Romans, but a tradition difficult to understand in the times of Drus Germanicus. He had tried to find the Pillars of Hercules near the Northern Sea. The Tyrians look for the Pillars of Hercules in the Mediterranean, the Romans near the North Sea As Strabo tells us, the Tyrians, representatives of Phoenician commerce, had tried three times to find the Pillars of Hercules near the western straits of the Mediterranean, but always without a positive result. According to this author, the inhabitants of Gades were telling how the Tyrians, wanting to set up a new colony, had first consulted the oracle, as were the religious customs of the ancients, and the oracle had suggested to found their colony near the Pillars of Hercules. The men sent by the Tyrians to visit those lands arrived at Calpe, or the western straits of the Mediterranean. Believing that in those extreme parts was the end of the earth and of Hercules’ expeditions, they reasoned that the columns of which the oracle spoke should have also been there. They kept therefore a religious service, but the result of the sacrifice being unfavorable, they returned home. After some time the Tyrians sent again another party to the place indicated by the oracle. These men passed beyond the straits, to a distance of 1500 stades and arrived to an island which was consecrated to Hercules. Believing that here must have been the Pillars of Hercules, they sacrificed to the god, but again the victims were not favorable and they returned home. Finally, the Tyrians sent another group of people for the third time. These settled on the island named Gadeira (Gades), where they founded a temple on the eastern side and a city on the western side of the island. That’s why, says Strabo, some believe that the extreme parts of the straits might be the so-called Pillars of Hercules, while others, on the contrary, consider as the Pillars of Hercules, either the mountains Calpe and Abila, or some smaller islands in the vicinity of these mountains. Artemidor of Ephesus, who had navigated along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea and in part of the External Ocean, tells us that there is no mountain named Abila at the Mediterranean straits. Strabo adds that neither these islands, nor these mountains have the appearance of columns, and that people who insist that the so called Pillars of Hercules must be found somewhere else, have good reasons to say so (Geogr. lib. III. 5. 5). The Romans had conquered the southern parts of Iberia even before the destruction of Carthage (146bc), but none of the Roman generals who had marched with the legions of Italy as far as the Western Ocean, none of the captains of the fleet, who had passed through the Mediterranean straits (Pliny, V. 1. 8; Flor, II. 7; Orosius VI. 21), had claimed the glory of discovering the sacred Pillars of Hercules, and of taking the eagle of the Roman Empire beyond the extreme limits of the ancient world. On the contrary, there was a general tradition with the Roman people, that the legendary Pillars of Hercules were situated near another ocean, and that Drus Germanicus had been the one who had tried to win the glory of finding them and of expanding the Roman Empire to those ends of the earth. “We” writes Tacitus (Germania, c. 34), “have tried to cross even the Northern Ocean, because it is told that the Pillars of Hercules still exist there, either because Hercules really went there, or because we use to attribute to his glory all the miraculous things that are on the surface of the earth. Drus Germanicus had not lacked the courage, but the Ocean had opposed his wish to master it and to find the Pillars of Hercules. Nobod[24e] From that place passage toward the other islands began at that time for those passing through and going away from the islands toward this region in the opposite direction, an entire mainland around the actual Pontos sea in the latter region. domestication of a Paleolithic dog from a site in western Germany in the Rhine Valley (Oberkassel) Apple – Pyrus Malus, Linnaeus. The apple tree grows wild throughout Europe (excepting in the extreme north), in Anatolia, the south of the Caucasus, and the Persian province of Ghilan.1 Near Trebizond, the botanist Bourgeau saw quite a small forest of them.2 In the mountains of the north-west of India it is “apparently wild,” as Sir Joseph Hooker writes in his Flora of British India. No author mentions it as growing in Siberia, in Mongolia, or in Japan.3 There are 2 varieties wild in Germany, the 1 with glabrous leaves and ovaries, the other with leaves downy on the under side, and Koch adds that this down varies considerably.4 In France accurate authors also give 2 wild varieties, but with characters which do not tally exactly with those of the German flora.5 It would be easy to account for this difference if the wild trees in certain districts spring from cultivated varieties whose seeds have been accidentally dispersed. The question is, therefore, to discover to what degree the species is probably ancient and indigenous in different countries, and, if it is not more ancient in one country than another, how it was gradually extended by the accidental sowing of forms changed by the crossing of varieties and by cultivation. The country in which the apple appears to be in most indigenous is the region lying between Trebizond. and Ghilan. The variety which there grows wild has leaves downy on the under side, short peduncles, and sweet fruit,6 like Malus communis of France, described by Boreau. This indicates that its prehistoric area extended from the Caspian Sea nearly to Europe. Piddington gives in his Index a Sanskrit name for the apple, but Adolphe Pictet7 informs us that this name seba is Hindustani, and comes from the Persian sêb, sêf. The absence of an earlier name in India argues that the now common cultivation of the apple in Kashmir and Thibet, and especially that in the north-west and central provinces of India, is not very ancient. The tree was probably known only to the western Aryans. This people had in all probability a name of which the root was ab, af, av, ob, as this root recurs in several European names of Aryan origin. Pictet gives aball, ubhall, in Erse; afal in Kymric; aval in Armorican; aphal in old High German; appel in old English; apli in Scandinavian; obolys in Lithuanian; iabluko in ancient Slav; iabloko in Russian. It would appear from this that the western Aryans, finding the apple wild or already naturalized in the north of Europe, kept the name under which they had known it. The Greeks had mailea or maila, the Latins malus, malum, words whose origin, according to Pictet, is very uncertain. The Albanians, descendants of the Pelasgians, have molé.8 Theophrastus9 mentions wild and cultivated maila. Lastly, the Basques (ancient Iberians) have an entirely different. name, sagara, which implies an existence in Europe prior to the Aryan invasions. The inhabitants of the terra-mare of Parma, and of the palafittes of the lakes of Lombardy, Savoy, and Switzerland, made great use of apples. They always cut them lengthways, and preserved them dried as a provision for the winter. The specimens are often carbonized by fire, but the internal structure of the fruit is only the more clearly to be distinguished. Heer,10 who has shown great penetration in observing these details, distinguishes 2 varieties of the apple known to the inhabitants of the lake-dwellings before they possessed metals. The smaller kind are 15 to 24 mm. in their longitudinal diameter, and about 3 mm. more across (in their dried and carbonized state); the larger, 29, to 32 mm. lengthways by 36 wide (dried, but not carbonized). The latter corresponds to an apple of German-Swiss orchards, now called campaner. The English wild apple, figured in English Botany, pl. 179, is 17 mm. long by 22 wide. It is possible that the little apples of the lake-dwellings were wild; however, their abundance in the stores makes it doubtful. Dr. Gross sent me 2 apples from the more recent palafittes of Lake Neuchâtel; the one is 17 the other 22 mm. in longitudinal diameter. At Lagozza, in Lombardy, Sordelli11 mentions 2 apples, the one 17 mm. by 19, the other 19 mm. by 27. In a prehistoric deposit of Lago Varese, at Bardello, Ragazzoni found an apple in the stores a little larger than the others. From all these facts, I consider the apple to have existed in Europe, both wild and cultivated, from prehistoric times. The lack of communication with Asia before the Aryan invasion makes it probable that the tree was indigenous in Europe as in Anatolia, the south of the Caucasus, and Northern Russia, and that its cultivation began early everywhere. 1 Nyman, Conspectus Florae Europeae, p. 240; Ledebour, Flora Rossica, ii. p. 96; Boissier, Flora Orientalis, ii. p. 656; Decaisne, Nouv. Arch. Mus., x. p. 153. 2 Boissier, ibid. 3 Maximowicz, Prim. Ussur.; Regel, Opit. Flori, etc., on the plants of the Ussuri collected by Maak; Schmidt, Reisen Amur. Franchet and Savatier do not mention it in their Enum. Jap. Bretschneider quotes a Chinese name which, he says, applies also to other species. 4 Koch, Syn. Fl. Germ., i. p. 261. 5 Boreau, Fl. du Centre de la France, edit. 3, vol. ii. p. 236. 6 Boissier, ubi supra. 7 Orig. Indo-Eur., i. p. 276. 8 Heldreich, Nutzpflanzen Griechenlands, i. p. 64. 9 Theophrastus, De Causis, lib. 6, cap. 24 10 Heer, Pfahlbauten, p. 24, figs. 1-7. 11 Sordelli, Sulle Piante della Stazime di Lagozza, p. 35. The Greeks who dwell about the Pontus tell a different story. According to Hercules, when he was carrying off the cows of Geryon, arrived in the region [Pontus] which is now inhabited by the Scyths, but which was then a desert. Geryon lived outside the Pontus, in an island called by the Greeks Erytheia, near Gades, which is beyond the Pillars of Hercules upon the Ocean. Now some say that the Ocean begins in the east, and runs the whole way round the world; but they give no proof that this is really so. [Timaeus 24e] …your country [i.e. “polis”] — ( = polis humôn ) paused — ( = epausen) at-some-time — ( = pote ) a power — (= dunamin , [in feminine accusative case; this is the antecedent for 2 participles] ) carrying simultaneously — (= poreuomenên hama, [feminine accusative middle-voice present participle] ) a dual arrogance [i.e. “hybris] — (= hubrei, [in a gramatically dual form] ) upon all of Europe and Asia — ( = epi pasan Eurôpên kai Asian ) after stirring-up the outback HAw-nbwt — ( = exôthen hormêtheisan, [feminine accusative middle-voice past participle of “hormaw”]) from headquarters in the territorial waters (or Pelagus) of Atlas. — ( = ek tou Atlantikou pelagous ) note 1: Solon and Plato have chosen the indeclinable Greek word exôthen (meaning “outback”, or “outside”) as a translation of the Egyptian hieroglyphic name HAw-nbwt (meaning “land beyond everything”), which was used continually in Egypt from the 6th Dynasty until Roman times. 114c These, of course as whole clans, [= houtoi dê pantes] (i.e. themselves and descendents of these [= autoi kai eckgonai touton] for many generations) [= epi geneas pollas ] lived [= ôikoun] —- on-the-one-hand [= men] —- leading many foreign “Sea Peoples” lands, [= archontes pollon allon (kata to pelagos) neson] — but also [= eti de] —– — just as was stated previously — [= hôsper kai proteron errêthê] —- governing [= eparchontes] —- “Islands in the Midst of the Sea” (in this direction) [= tôn entos (deuro)] —- as far away as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. [= mechri te Aiguptou kai Turrênias]. Bar cEbroyo (Barhebraeus) Candelabrum sanctuarii = Cand. Liber radiorum = Rad. Ascensus mentis = Asc. Ethicon = Eth. Butyrum sapientiae = But. Pseudo- Callisthenes relates (p. 7 ff.) that (a) Alexander in his expedition to find the Spring of Immortality marched through a land of darkness, and arrived at a region very full of water. Here, in a spot where the air was sweetly scented, was a fountain with brightly shining water, and this was the Spring which he was seeking, but he did not know it. His cook, Andreas, recognising it because a dried fish which he washed in it was restored by its water to life, bathed himself in it and thus became immortal; but he concealed this from Alexander; (b) Andreas debauched Alexander’s daughter, and for this crime was cast into the sea, where he became a sea-daemon from whom the Adriatic Sea took its name; (c) from the region of the Spring Alexander marched onwards 30 schoinoi to the boundary of the Land of the Blest, CtaKapwov Xcppa, upon which shines a light that is not that of the sun or the moon (cf. ibid. p. 203); but he did not enter here, for two birds with human faces and voices bade him retire, and he obeyed. In Greece the firmamental water became the Okeanos of Homer, flowing round the earth. It is the water that was first divided in twain. If we call the one water a lake, we find the one was divided into two lakes, one to the south and one to the north of the circumpolar enclosure. The Okeanos was divided by a river that encircled all the earth. In Egyptian ritual it is called “the stream which has no end”. It is also described as “the stream of the lake in Sekhet-Hetep” or paradise. Further, the two lakes are portrayed as “the lake of Sa and the lake of the northern sky. It was observed that a stream came forth from the great lake in a white river that divided the one water into two great lakes. In this we see “the stream of the lake in the Sekhet-Hetep”, just as “the river went out of Eden to water the garden”. Ptah is portrayed as a beetle in the matrix of matter shaping the product. At this stage the seven elemental forces enter his service as the moulders who are called his seven assistants or associate-gods, the Ali = Elohim. In one of the hymns it is said to Ptah, as Tanen, “There was given to thee a power over the things of earth that were in a state of inertness, and thou didst gather them together after thou didst exist in thy form of Ta-tanen, in becoming the uniter of the double earth, which thy word of mouth begot and which thy hands have fashioned”. This was in making the lower earth of the Nun as the ground floor of Amenta, when the command to “let the earth come into being” was uttered by the God. XXXIII.[3] Istros. H. is much interested in this river, which he describes again in iv. 48-50 (where ‘it is the greatest of all rivers that we know’; cf. also iv. 99). Here he supposes it to rise in the extreme west of Europe. This view was held also by Aristotle [Meteor. i. 13 ek de tês Purênês (touto d’ estin oros) rheousin ho te Istros kai ho Tartêssos: the Ister then ‘flows through the whole of Europe’]. It is difficult to see how the Greeks reconciled it with their knowledge of the Rhone, but it is suggested that this was looked on as a southern offshoot of the Danube. Older geographers had made the Ister rise in the Rhipaean mountains, among the Hyperboreans; H. rightly ignored this mythical explanation, but his information was insufficient for an accurate account. Keltoi. H. derives his information, indirectly at any rate, from he Phoenicians, and therefore speaks of the Celts as being ‘outside the Pillars of Hercules’, where the Phoenicians found them. The ‘Pillars of Hercules’ are not found in Homer, but in Pindar (Olym. iii. 44) they occur, as the limit of the world; by H.’s time they had been definitely fixed. For the legends connecting Heracles with the W. cf. iv. 8 seq. The name was partly due to the identification of Heracles with the Tyrian Melcarth, partly to the tendency (Tac. Germ. 34) to give him ‘quidquid ubique magnificum’. Strabo (169-72) discusses the legends as to them; but Pomponius Mela (i. 5. 27), as befits a Spaniard, is the first to give an accurate account of them. So far as they are a reality, they correspond to Calpe and Abila (i.e. Gibraltar and the African Ceuta). Throughout all antiquity, memory of two famous proto-historic monuments, namely the Erakleos stelai or Pillars of Hercules, situated near a mountain gorge in the western parts of the Homeric Ocean, has been retained. Some of these traditions claimed that the famous Pillars of Hercules were simple commemorative monuments “laborum Herculis metae”. Hercules, as Pliny tells us (H. N. III), had reached these domains and, because here the mountains on both sides were joined together, had cut a mountain gap, opening a gorge to let the inland sea beyond it to drain through. In memory of this effort and its everlasting achievements, the indigenous population had named the two mountains which form this gorge, “The Pillars of Hercules” (Mela, lib. I. c. 5; Diodorus Siculus, I. IV. 18. 4; Strabo, I. III. 5). According to Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules were in the legendary and remote country of the pious and happy Hyperboreans. In one of his odes, Pindar tells us about Hercules’ trip to the sources of Istru, in the country of the Hyperboreans, from whom he had requested an oleander (wild olive tree), to plant it near Jove’s temple at Olympia, to shade the holy altars of the divinities and to crown the virtuous men (Olymp. III. V. 11-19). In the same ode, Pindar also mentions Hercules’ travel to the Istrian country, to Diana, the wonderful rider, and the Pillars of Hercules, as an extreme limit for brave deeds (Olymp. III. V. 26, 45; Isthm. III. 30). Finally, Pindar tells us in other odes of his, that Hercules had erected these columns as famous markers for the extreme limits of navigation; and that the last reaches of travel on water and land were in the region of the Hyperboreans (Nem. III. V. 19-25; Pyth. X. v. 29-30). So, according to the geographical notions expressed by Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules, these extreme limits of navigation and heroic actions, were on Hyperborean territory (Cf. Boeckhius, Pindari Opera, II. 2. 140), the territory of the just, holy (Pindar, Pyth. X. v. 42), wise (Origenes, c. Cels. I. 16) and long lived people of the Istru. We also find two important indications about the geographical situation of the Pillars of Hercules with Herodotus. As this author tells us, the Greeks near the Euxine Pontos had information about the Pillars of Hercules, which they said were outside the Euxine Pontos, near the big river named Oceanos (lib. IV. 8). And in another place Herodotus tells us about the Pillars of Hercules as being located in the geographical region of the Istru. “The Istru begins its course in the lands of the Celts and flows through the middle of Europe, which it cuts in two parts. The Celts though, live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and are neighbours with the Cynesii, who are the most extreme people in the western parts of Europe. And the Istru flows into the sea near Istria, city which is inhabited by a Milesian colony” (lib. II. C. 33). Close to the Pillars of Hercules, the ancient geographers also mentioned two islands named Gadeira, Gadira (Scylax, Periplus, 1. 111), both situated inside the strait (Dionysus, Orbis Descriptio, v. 450). One of these islands was considered as the extreme terminus point of navigation on the old Oceanos, beyond which the commercial vessels could not pass (Pindar, Nem. IV. 69; Pliny, V. 17. 2; Eustathius, Commentarii in Dionysium, v.451). The poet Pindar calls the Pillars of Hercules Pylai Gadeirides (Frag. 155 in Strabo, lib. III. 5. 5-6), in other words “The Gates Gadira”. From the information which Herodotus had got from the Greeks of Scythia, this extreme island called Gadira was situated in the big river called Oceanos, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, close to Erythia island (lib. IV. c. 8); or in other words, the island Gadira was known also to the Black Sea merchants. Further upstream from the island Gadira, navigation was not possible. There the stone walls were so close that, according to Pliny (H. N. lib. IX. 3. 1), one single tree could hinder with its branches the passing of the vessels. In Homer’s Iliad (VIII, v. 15; II. v. 783; Hesiod, Theog. v. 820 seqq), this renowned gate of Europe is known under the name of sydereiai pylai, in other words The Iron Gates. They were located in the country of the Arimi, the place where Typhon, the legendary dragon of Theogony, had been thrown in a deep cave. Near the Pillars of Hercules there was a long and wide strip of snaggy rocks, some visible, others hidden under the surface of the water, which stretched across the bed of the old Oceanos from one bank to the other (Scylax, Periplus, 112). In regard to the ancient geographical meanings of the word Oceanos, we can distinguish three periods. In the first period, or ante-Homeric, under the name of “Oceanos” was understood to be the Pontos, or the Black Sea, a name from which the epithet axeinos had been preserved until late, but with an entirely different meaning in Greek language than the original one, and the Istru was considered in those times only as a gulf of the Ocean (Strabo, I. 1. 7). Another gulf of this Ocean was formed by the Meotic Lake (Pliny, II. 67). In the second geographical period, or the Homeric and Hesiodic times, the Black Sea is Pontos, and the Istru appears under the name ‘Ocheanos potamos and roos ‘Ocheanoio. Finally, in the third period, the names “Oceanos” and “Oceanos potamos” are merge and the term “Oceanos” is applied only to the external seas]. According to Homer and Hesiodus, the country of the first deified kings of the ancient world had been in the extreme parts of the Greek horizon, at north of Thrace or Istru, called in Greek legends Oceanos potamos, the father of gods (Homer, Iliad, XIV, v. 201. 227). The ancient “Oceanos potamos” of the geography of Pelasgian times was not an internal sea, but neither external, as it was later believed, but a simple river, roos (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 402; Odyss. XI. 21. 639; XII. 1; Hesiodus, Op. 566); mediteranean, messo; big, megalos potamos (Homer, Odyss. XI. 157-8); deep flowing, bathurroos (Homer, Odyss. XI. 13); which had its sources (Hesiodus, Theog. v. 282), cataracts (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 403; Orpheus, Argon. V. 1069. 1160; Strabo, I. 1. 7) and whirlpools (Homer, Odyss. X. 511), and which, as Homer tells us, could not be crossed by foot, but only by ship or well built boats (Odyss. XI. 158). Beyond Oceanos potamos, there still existed a considerable part of the European continent, with other rivers, high mountains, rocks, woods (Homer, Odyss. X. 508 seqq; Hesiodus, Theog. v. 129), vast and fertile plains (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 541 seqq), often named in the geography of those times ta eschata and peirata gaies meaning the extreme regions, and “ultima terra” by Ovid (Trist. III. 4. 52). Homer does not say anywhere that Oceanos had been an external sea. In fact, the Greeks did not know in those times either the western Ocean, or the northern one. It is true that Homer (Hymn. in Ven. 228) and Hesiodus (Theog. 79. 282) tell us that Oceanos potamos flew alongside Gaea or Terra. The same geographical idea is also expressed in the text of the Iliad. On the shield of Achilles, Homer tells us, Vulcan had represented in fact not the entire terrestrial globe, but only the fertile land from the northern parts of Thrace, Gaia (Terra), also called “polus Geticus”; where the constellations of the “Ursa” rotate; where some plough the rich and wide plains, and others harvest the abundant crops, where are vineyards with excellent grapes, golden and black, which young girls and boys gather in baskets, singing with pleasant voices, and beating the earth rhythmically with their feet. Near this land, so rich in its crops and attractive for its customs and its pastoral and agricultural festivities, Vulcan, the Iliad tells us, had also shown on the edge of the shield the river Oceanos potamos. In ancient Greek poems, Oceanos potamos also has the epithet aphorroos (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 399; Odyss. XX. 65), a word whose real meaning is that the flowing water of the river Oceanos was turning back in some places, or formed whirlpools. The same term is often replaced by the epithet bathudines, with deep eddies (Homer, Odyss. X. 511; Hesiodus, Theog. v. 133). In the Argonautic legends, Oceanos potamos is the same slowly flowing river like the Istru of later times. According to Hesiodus, Pindar, Antimachus and Orpheus, the Argonauts pass from the Euxine Pontos in the Mediterranean, sailing on Oceanos potamos (Hesiodus, Fragm. 57); and according to Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. IV. 288) and Valerius Flaccus (Argon. VIII. 185), they take the same way westwards, but navigating on the Istru, also called cheras ‘Ocheanoio. The great river called Oceanos potamos, came from remote regions (Eschyl, Prom. v. 284), flew towards the Pontos from west to east; it then crossed the narrow straits of the Riphei mountains or Carpathians (Orpheus, Argon. V. 1080. 1123; 1201), where it formed many deep whirlpools, very dangerous for navigation (Ibid. v. 1083). Oceanos potamos, after leaving the precipitous straits of the Riphei mountains, flew through the valley or basin of these mountains (Orpheus, Argon. v. 1079), passed alongside plains with extensive pastures, where dwelt the most just of people (Ibid. v. 1136) and numerous pastoral tribes of Scythians, Hyperboreans, Getae, Sauromatae, Sindi, Arimaspians, etc (Ibid. v. 1062 seqq). The sailing boats navigated upriver on Oceanos potamos helped by the north wind Boreas (Homer, Odyss. X. 97). For Hesiodus, Oceanos potamos is a “sacred” river, ieros roos (Opera et dies, v. 566). Near Oceanos potamos were “the islands of the blessed”, macharon nasoi, destined as eternal residence for the illustrious men fallen at Thebes and Troy (Hesiodus, Opera et dies. v. 171). Among these “blessed” islands, the most famous had been in Homeric times Leuce (Pliny, lib. IV. 27. 2), today the Serpents’ Island, situated near the mouths of the Danube, where according to legends Achilles, the great hero of Trojan times, had been buried. cheras ‘Ocheanoio Ocheanos potamos roos ‘Ocheanoio Sea of Saturn Kronios ‘Ocheanos Kronios pontos Mare cronium Homer mentions two ethnic groups of Ethiopians. Some of these dwelt in the east, while others dwelt near Oceanos potamos, the place where, according to the old traditions, the sun set. These latter Ethiopians are also called esperioi, westerners, or from the western regions (Strabo, II. 5. 15), the most extreme people known to the Greeks, virtuous and saintly. The western Ethiopians, or from near Oceanos potamos, are the men favored by gods. According to Stephanos Byzantinos they (Aithiops) were the first to revere the gods, the first who used laws; and the founders of their civilisation had been Mithras and Phlegyas. Jove and all the gods attend their solemn banquets, when they sacrifice hundreds (hecatombs) of bulls and lambs (Homer, Odyss. I. 23; Iliad, I. 428; XXIII. 205). With the poet Pindar, these latter Ethiopians appear under the name of Hyperboreans (Pyth. X. 30 seqq), and with Dionysius Periegetus, under the name of Macrobii, meaning the long lived people. Hesiod places geographically the Ethiopians with the Ligyiens and the Ippomolgian Scythians (Fragm. 132). According to Eschyl (Prom. vinct. 808. 809) they dwelt near the gold rich Arimaspians, and according to Dionysius Periegetus they lived in the beautiful valleys of Kernes / Cerne (v. 218 seqq), or near Erythia, close to the Atlas mountain (Ibid. v. 558-560; Avienus, v. 738 seqq). Through antiquity, memory of two famous proto-historic monuments, namely the Erakleos stelai or Pillars of Hercules, situated near a mountain gorge in the western parts of the Homeric Ocean, has been retained. Some of these traditions claimed that the famous Pillars of Hercules were simple commemorative monuments “laborum Herculis metae”. Hercules, as Pliny tells us (H. N. III), had reached these domains and, because here the mountains on both sides were joined together, had cut a mountain gap, opening a gorge to let the inland sea beyond it to drain through. In memory of this effort and its everlasting achievements, the indigenous population had named the two mountains which form this gorge, “The Pillars of Hercules” (Mela, lib. I. c. 5; Diodorus Siculus, I. IV. 18. 4; Strabo, I. III. 5). The Pillars of Hercules near Oceanos potamos In pre-historical antiquity, the Pillars of Hercules had been a geographical reality. This was the general opinion of the ancient geographers and historians. The fact that results from all these traditions is that the so-called Pillars of Hercules were neither near the Iberian Ocean, which, until the 11th century bc had been unknown to the Phoenicians and Greeks, nor near the Northern Sea or Baltic, which became known to the ancient world only since Cesar’s times. They were near the archaic Ocean at the north of Thrace, the big river of the theogony, the place where takes place the most remarkable deeds of the Pelasgian hero Hercules, in the blessed country of the Hyperboreans, rich in gold, rich in flocks, in miraculous herds and fabulous harvests, country towards which was directed the commercial navigation of the southern Pelasgians, Egyptians, Phoenicians and Greeks, since the most ancient times. According to Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules were in the legendary and remote country of the pious and happy Hyperboreans. In one of his odes, Pindar tells us about Hercules’ trip to the sources (or the cataracts) of Istru, in the country of the Hyperboreans, from whom he had requested an oleander (wild olive tree), to plant it near Jove’s temple at Olympia, to shade the holy altars of the divinities and to crown the virtuous men (Olymp. III. V. 11-19). In the same ode, Pindar also mentions Hercules’ travel to the Istrian country, to Diana, the wonderful rider, and the Pillars of Hercules, as an extreme limit for brave deeds (Olymp. III. V. 26, 45; Isthm. III. 30). Finally, Pindar tells us in other odes of his, that Hercules had erected these columns as famous markers for the extreme limits of navigation; and that the last reaches of travel on water and land were in the region of the Hyperboreans (Nem. III. V. 19-25; Pyth. X. v. 29-30). So, according to the geographical notions expressed by Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules, these extreme limits of navigation and heroic actions, were on Hyperborean territory (Cf. Boeckhius, Pindari Opera, II. 2. 140), the territory of the just, holy (Pindar, Pyth. X. v. 42), wise (Origenes, c. Cels. I. 16) and long lived people of the Istru, or the lower Danube. We also find two important indications about the geographical situation of the Pillars of Hercules with Herodotus. As this author tells us, the Greeks near the Euxine Pontos had positive information about the Pillars of Hercules, which they said were outside the Euxine Pontos, near the big river named Oceanos (lib. IV. 8). And in another place Herodotus tells us about the Pillars of Hercules as being located in the geographical region of the Istru. “The Istru begins its course in the lands of the Celts and flows through the middle of Europe, which it cuts in two parts. The Celts though, live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and are neighbours with the Cynesii, who are the most extreme people in the western parts of Europe. And the Istru flows into the sea near Istria, city which is inhabited by a Milesian colony” (lib. II. C. 33). So, according with the geographical sources of Herodotus, the Pillars of Hercules were not near the Iberian Sea, but in a continental region of Europe, near the Istru, on the eastern side of the Celts, or between the Celts and the Scythians, because, as Diodorus Siculus writes, the Celts were spread in more or less considerable large groups as far as Scythia (lib. III. 32. 1). The Roman poet Avienus, born at Volsinium in Etruria, ex proconsul of Africa and Achaia, summarizes this way the geographical and astronomical ideas of the ancients regarding the Pillars of Hercules: “In the extreme parts of the (known) earth rise up to the sky the Pillars of Hercules, of a longish shape. Here is the place called Gadir, here the superb craggy Atlas rises, here the sky turns around a strong axle, here the hub of the earth and the universe is surrounded by clouds” (Descriptio orbis terrae, v. 98-104). Cardines Mundi on the Atlas mountain, called also axis boreus, axis hyperboreus, polus Geticus, were, as we saw in the previous chapter, in the western parts of the Black Sea, on the territory of Roman Dacia. The Pillars of Hercules belonged therefore, according to the ancient astronomical and geographical theories, to the boreal region. This was also the tradition of the Romans, but a tradition difficult to understand in the times of Drus Germanicus. He had tried to find the Pillars of Hercules near the Northern Sea. The Tyrians look for the Pillars of Hercules in the Mediterranean, the Romans near the North Sea As Strabo tells us, the Tyrians, representatives of Phoenician commerce, had tried three times to find the Pillars of Hercules near the western straits of the Mediterranean, but always without a positive result. According to this author, the inhabitants of Gades were telling how the Tyrians, wanting to set up a new colony, had first consulted the oracle, as were the religious customs of the ancients, and the oracle had suggested to found their colony near the Pillars of Hercules. The men sent by the Tyrians to visit those lands arrived at Calpe, or the western straits of the Mediterranean. Believing that in those extreme parts was the end of the earth and of Hercules’ expeditions, they reasoned that the columns of which the oracle spoke should have also been there. They kept therefore a religious service, but the result of the sacrifice being unfavorable, they returned home. After some time the Tyrians sent again another party to the place indicated by the oracle. These men passed beyond the straits, to a distance of 1500 stades and arrived to an island which was consecrated to Hercules. Believing that here must have been the Pillars of Hercules, they sacrificed to the god, but again the victims were not favorable and they returned home. Finally, the Tyrians sent another group of people for the third time. These settled on the island named Gadeira (Gades), where they founded a temple on the eastern side and a city on the western side of the island. That’s why, says Strabo, some believe that the extreme parts of the straits might be the so-called Pillars of Hercules, while others, on the contrary, consider as the Pillars of Hercules, either the mountains Calpe and Abila, or some smaller islands in the vicinity of these mountains. Artemidor of Ephesus, who had navigated along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea and in part of the External Ocean, tells us that there is no mountain named Abila at the Mediterranean straits. Strabo adds that neither these islands, nor these mountains have the appearance of columns, and that people who insist that the so called Pillars of Hercules must be found somewhere else, have good reasons to say so (Geogr. lib. III. 5. 5). The Romans had conquered the southern parts of Iberia even before the destruction of Carthage (146bc), but none of the Roman generals who had marched with the legions of Italy as far as the Western Ocean, none of the captains of the fleet, who had passed through the Mediterranean straits (Pliny, V. 1. 8; Flor, II. 7; Orosius VI. 21), had claimed the glory of discovering the sacred Pillars of Hercules, and of taking the eagle of the Roman Empire beyond the extreme limits of the ancient world. On the contrary, there was a general tradition with the Roman people, that the legendary Pillars of Hercules were situated near another ocean, and that Drus Germanicus had been the one who had tried to win the glory of finding them and of expanding the Roman Empire to those ends of the earth. “We” writes Tacitus (Germania, c. 34), “have tried to cross even the Northern Ocean, because it is told that the Pillars of Hercules still exist there, either because Hercules really went there, or because we use to attribute to his glory all the miraculous things that are on the surface of the earth. Drus Germanicus had not lacked the courage, but the Ocean had opposed his wish to master it and to find the Pillars of Hercules. Nobod[24e] From that place passage toward the other islands began at that time for those passing through and going away from the islands toward this region in the opposite direction, an entire mainland around the actual Pontos sea in the latter region. domestication of a Paleolithic dog from a site in western Germany in the Rhine Valley (Oberkassel) Apple – Pyrus Malus, Linnaeus. The apple tree grows wild throughout Europe (excepting in the extreme north), in Anatolia, the south of the Caucasus, and the Persian province of Ghilan.1 Near Trebizond, the botanist Bourgeau saw quite a small forest of them.2 In the mountains of the north-west of India it is “apparently wild,” as Sir Joseph Hooker writes in his Flora of British India. No author mentions it as growing in Siberia, in Mongolia, or in Japan.3 There are 2 varieties wild in Germany, the 1 with glabrous leaves and ovaries, the other with leaves downy on the under side, and Koch adds that this down varies considerably.4 In France accurate authors also give 2 wild varieties, but with characters which do not tally exactly with those of the German flora.5 It would be easy to account for this difference if the wild trees in certain districts spring from cultivated varieties whose seeds have been accidentally dispersed. The question is, therefore, to discover to what degree the species is probably ancient and indigenous in different countries, and, if it is not more ancient in one country than another, how it was gradually extended by the accidental sowing of forms changed by the crossing of varieties and by cultivation. The country in which the apple appears to be in most indigenous is the region lying between Trebizond. and Ghilan. The variety which there grows wild has leaves downy on the under side, short peduncles, and sweet fruit,6 like Malus communis of France, described by Boreau. This indicates that its prehistoric area extended from the Caspian Sea nearly to Europe. Piddington gives in his Index a Sanskrit name for the apple, but Adolphe Pictet7 informs us that this name seba is Hindustani, and comes from the Persian sêb, sêf. The absence of an earlier name in India argues that the now common cultivation of the apple in Kashmir and Thibet, and especially that in the north-west and central provinces of India, is not very ancient. The tree was probably known only to the western Aryans. This people had in all probability a name of which the root was ab, af, av, ob, as this root recurs in several European names of Aryan origin. Pictet gives aball, ubhall, in Erse; afal in Kymric; aval in Armorican; aphal in old High German; appel in old English; apli in Scandinavian; obolys in Lithuanian; iabluko in ancient Slav; iabloko in Russian. It would appear from this that the western Aryans, finding the apple wild or already naturalized in the north of Europe, kept the name under which they had known it. The Greeks had mailea or maila, the Latins malus, malum, words whose origin, according to Pictet, is very uncertain. The Albanians, descendants of the Pelasgians, have molé.8 Theophrastus9 mentions wild and cultivated maila. Lastly, the Basques (ancient Iberians) have an entirely different. name, sagara, which implies an existence in Europe prior to the Aryan invasions. The inhabitants of the terra-mare of Parma, and of the palafittes of the lakes of Lombardy, Savoy, and Switzerland, made great use of apples. They always cut them lengthways, and preserved them dried as a provision for the winter. The specimens are often carbonized by fire, but the internal structure of the fruit is only the more clearly to be distinguished. Heer,10 who has shown great penetration in observing these details, distinguishes 2 varieties of the apple known to the inhabitants of the lake-dwellings before they possessed metals. The smaller kind are 15 to 24 mm. in their longitudinal diameter, and about 3 mm. more across (in their dried and carbonized state); the larger, 29, to 32 mm. lengthways by 36 wide (dried, but not carbonized). The latter corresponds to an apple of German-Swiss orchards, now called campaner. The English wild apple, figured in English Botany, pl. 179, is 17 mm. long by 22 wide. It is possible that the little apples of the lake-dwellings were wild; however, their abundance in the stores makes it doubtful. Dr. Gross sent me 2 apples from the more recent palafittes of Lake Neuchâtel; the one is 17 the other 22 mm. in longitudinal diameter. At Lagozza, in Lombardy, Sordelli11 mentions 2 apples, the one 17 mm. by 19, the other 19 mm. by 27. In a prehistoric deposit of Lago Varese, at Bardello, Ragazzoni found an apple in the stores a little larger than the others. From all these facts, I consider the apple to have existed in Europe, both wild and cultivated, from prehistoric times. The lack of communication with Asia before the Aryan invasion makes it probable that the tree was indigenous in Europe as in Anatolia, the south of the Caucasus, and Northern Russia, and that its cultivation began early everywhere. 1 Nyman, Conspectus Florae Europeae, p. 240; Ledebour, Flora Rossica, ii. p. 96; Boissier, Flora Orientalis, ii. p. 656; Decaisne, Nouv. Arch. Mus., x. p. 153. 2 Boissier, ibid. 3 Maximowicz, Prim. Ussur.; Regel, Opit. Flori, etc., on the plants of the Ussuri collected by Maak; Schmidt, Reisen Amur. Franchet and Savatier do not mention it in their Enum. Jap. Bretschneider quotes a Chinese name which, he says, applies also to other species. 4 Koch, Syn. Fl. Germ., i. p. 261. 5 Boreau, Fl. du Centre de la France, edit. 3, vol. ii. p. 236. 6 Boissier, ubi supra. 7 Orig. Indo-Eur., i. p. 276. 8 Heldreich, Nutzpflanzen Griechenlands, i. p. 64. 9 Theophrastus, De Causis, lib. 6, cap. 24 10 Heer, Pfahlbauten, p. 24, figs. 1-7. 11 Sordelli, Sulle Piante della Stazime di Lagozza, p. 35. The Greeks who dwell about the Pontus tell a different story. According to Hercules, when he was carrying off the cows of Geryon, arrived in the region [Pontus] which is now inhabited by the Scyths, but which was then a desert. Geryon lived outside the Pontus, in an island called by the Greeks Erytheia, near Gades, which is beyond the Pillars of Hercules upon the Ocean. Now some say that the Ocean begins in the east, and runs the whole way round the world; but they give no proof that this is really so. [Timaeus 24e] …your country [i.e. “polis”] — ( = polis humôn ) paused — ( = epausen) at-some-time — ( = pote ) a power — (= dunamin , [in feminine accusative case; this is the antecedent for 2 participles] ) carrying simultaneously — (= poreuomenên hama, [feminine accusative middle-voice present participle] ) a dual arrogance [i.e. “hybris] — (= hubrei, [in a gramatically dual form] ) upon all of Europe and Asia — ( = epi pasan Eurôpên kai Asian ) after stirring-up the outback HAw-nbwt — ( = exôthen hormêtheisan, [feminine accusative middle-voice past participle of “hormaw”]) from headquarters in the territorial waters (or Pelagus) of Atlas. — ( = ek tou Atlantikou pelagous ) note 1: Solon and Plato have chosen the indeclinable Greek word exôthen (meaning “outback”, or “outside”) as a translation of the Egyptian hieroglyphic name HAw-nbwt (meaning “land beyond everything”), which was used continually in Egypt from the 6th Dynasty until Roman times. 114c These, of course as whole clans, [= houtoi dê pantes] (i.e. themselves and descendents of these [= autoi kai eckgonai touton] for many generations) [= epi geneas pollas ] lived [= ôikoun] —- on-the-one-hand [= men] —- leading many foreign “Sea Peoples” lands, [= archontes pollon allon (kata to pelagos) neson] — but also [= eti de] —– — just as was stated previously — [= hôsper kai proteron errêthê] —- governing [= eparchontes] —- “Islands in the Midst of the Sea” (in this direction) [= tôn entos (deuro)] —- as far away as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. [= mechri te Aiguptou kai Turrênias]. Bar cEbroyo (Barhebraeus) Candelabrum sanctuarii = Cand. Liber radiorum = Rad. Ascensus mentis = Asc. Ethicon = Eth. Butyrum sapientiae = But. Pseudo- Callisthenes relates (p. 7 ff.) that (a) Alexander in his expedition to find the Spring of Immortality marched through a land of darkness, and arrived at a region very full of water. Here, in a spot where the air was sweetly scented, was a fountain with brightly shining water, and this was the Spring which he was seeking, but he did not know it. His cook, Andreas, recognising it because a dried fish which he washed in it was restored by its water to life, bathed himself in it and thus became immortal; but he concealed this from Alexander; (b) Andreas debauched Alexander’s daughter, and for this crime was cast into the sea, where he became a sea-daemon from whom the Adriatic Sea took its name; (c) from the region of the Spring Alexander marched onwards 30 schoinoi to the boundary of the Land of the Blest, CtaKapwov Xcppa, upon which shines a light that is not that of the sun or the moon (cf. ibid. p. 203); but he did not enter here, for two birds with human faces and voices bade him retire, and he obeyed. In Greece the firmamental water became the Okeanos of Homer, flowing round the earth. It is the water that was first divided in twain. If we call the one water a lake, we find the one was divided into two lakes, one to the south and one to the north of the circumpolar enclosure. The Okeanos was divided by a river that encircled all the earth. In Egyptian ritual it is called “the stream which has no end”. It is also described as “the stream of the lake in Sekhet-Hetep” or paradise. Further, the two lakes are portrayed as “the lake of Sa and the lake of the northern sky. It was observed that a stream came forth from the great lake in a white river that divided the one water into two great lakes. In this we see “the stream of the lake in the Sekhet-Hetep”, just as “the river went out of Eden to water the garden”. Ptah is portrayed as a beetle in the matrix of matter shaping the product. At this stage the seven elemental forces enter his service as the moulders who are called his seven assistants or associate-gods, the Ali = Elohim. In one of the hymns it is said to Ptah, as Tanen, “There was given to thee a power over the things of earth that were in a state of inertness, and thou didst gather them together after thou didst exist in thy form of Ta-tanen, in becoming the uniter of the double earth, which thy word of mouth begot and which thy hands have fashioned”. This was in making the lower earth of the Nun as the ground floor of Amenta, when the command to “let the earth come into being” was uttered by the God. XXXIII.[3] Istros. H. is much interested in this river, which he describes again in iv. 48-50 (where ‘it is the greatest of all rivers that we know’; cf. also iv. 99). Here he supposes it to rise in the extreme west of Europe. This view was held also by Aristotle [Meteor. i. 13 ek de tês Purênês (touto d’ estin oros) rheousin ho te Istros kai ho Tartêssos: the Ister then ‘flows through the whole of Europe’]. It is difficult to see how the Greeks reconciled it with their knowledge of the Rhone, but it is suggested that this was looked on as a southern offshoot of the Danube. Older geographers had made the Ister rise in the Rhipaean mountains, among the Hyperboreans; H. rightly ignored this mythical explanation, but his information was insufficient for an accurate account. Keltoi. H. derives his information, indirectly at any rate, from he Phoenicians, and therefore speaks of the Celts as being ‘outside the Pillars of Hercules’, where the Phoenicians found them. The ‘Pillars of Hercules’ are not found in Homer, but in Pindar (Olym. iii. 44) they occur, as the limit of the world; by H.’s time they had been definitely fixed. For the legends connecting Heracles with the W. cf. iv. 8 seq. The name was partly due to the identification of Heracles with the Tyrian Melcarth, partly to the tendency (Tac. Germ. 34) to give him ‘quidquid ubique magnificum’. Strabo (169-72) discusses the legends as to them; but Pomponius Mela (i. 5. 27), as befits a Spaniard, is the first to give an accurate account of them. So far as they are a reality, they correspond to Calpe and Abila (i.e. Gibraltar and the African Ceuta). Throughout all antiquity, memory of two famous proto-historic monuments, namely the Erakleos stelai or Pillars of Hercules, situated near a mountain gorge in the western parts of the Homeric Ocean, has been retained. Some of these traditions claimed that the famous Pillars of Hercules were simple commemorative monuments “laborum Herculis metae”. Hercules, as Pliny tells us (H. N. III), had reached these domains and, because here the mountains on both sides were joined together, had cut a mountain gap, opening a gorge to let the inland sea beyond it to drain through. In memory of this effort and its everlasting achievements, the indigenous population had named the two mountains which form this gorge, “The Pillars of Hercules” (Mela, lib. I. c. 5; Diodorus Siculus, I. IV. 18. 4; Strabo, I. III. 5). According to Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules were in the legendary and remote country of the pious and happy Hyperboreans. In one of his odes, Pindar tells us about Hercules’ trip to the sources of Istru, in the country of the Hyperboreans, from whom he had requested an oleander (wild olive tree), to plant it near Jove’s temple at Olympia, to shade the holy altars of the divinities and to crown the virtuous men (Olymp. III. V. 11-19). In the same ode, Pindar also mentions Hercules’ travel to the Istrian country, to Diana, the wonderful rider, and the Pillars of Hercules, as an extreme limit for brave deeds (Olymp. III. V. 26, 45; Isthm. III. 30). Finally, Pindar tells us in other odes of his, that Hercules had erected these columns as famous markers for the extreme limits of navigation; and that the last reaches of travel on water and land were in the region of the Hyperboreans (Nem. III. V. 19-25; Pyth. X. v. 29-30). So, according to the geographical notions expressed by Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules, these extreme limits of navigation and heroic actions, were on Hyperborean territory (Cf. Boeckhius, Pindari Opera, II. 2. 140), the territory of the just, holy (Pindar, Pyth. X. v. 42), wise (Origenes, c. Cels. I. 16) and long lived people of the Istru. We also find two important indications about the geographical situation of the Pillars of Hercules with Herodotus. As this author tells us, the Greeks near the Euxine Pontos had information about the Pillars of Hercules, which they said were outside the Euxine Pontos, near the big river named Oceanos (lib. IV. 8). And in another place Herodotus tells us about the Pillars of Hercules as being located in the geographical region of the Istru. “The Istru begins its course in the lands of the Celts and flows through the middle of Europe, which it cuts in two parts. The Celts though, live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and are neighbours with the Cynesii, who are the most extreme people in the western parts of Europe. And the Istru flows into the sea near Istria, city which is inhabited by a Milesian colony” (lib. II. C. 33). Close to the Pillars of Hercules, the ancient geographers also mentioned two islands named Gadeira, Gadira (Scylax, Periplus, 1. 111), both situated inside the strait (Dionysus, Orbis Descriptio, v. 450). One of these islands was considered as the extreme terminus point of navigation on the old Oceanos, beyond which the commercial vessels could not pass (Pindar, Nem. IV. 69; Pliny, V. 17. 2; Eustathius, Commentarii in Dionysium, v.451). The poet Pindar calls the Pillars of Hercules Pylai Gadeirides (Frag. 155 in Strabo, lib. III. 5. 5-6), in other words “The Gates Gadira”. From the information which Herodotus had got from the Greeks of Scythia, this extreme island called Gadira was situated in the big river called Oceanos, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, close to Erythia island (lib. IV. c. 8); or in other words, the island Gadira was known also to the Black Sea merchants. Further upstream from the island Gadira, navigation was not possible. There the stone walls were so close that, according to Pliny (H. N. lib. IX. 3. 1), one single tree could hinder with its branches the passing of the vessels. In Homer’s Iliad (VIII, v. 15; II. v. 783; Hesiod, Theog. v. 820 seqq), this renowned gate of Europe is known under the name of sydereiai pylai, in other words The Iron Gates. They were located in the country of the Arimi, the place where Typhon, the legendary dragon of Theogony, had been thrown in a deep cave. Near the Pillars of Hercules there was a long and wide strip of snaggy rocks, some visible, others hidden under the surface of the water, which stretched across the bed of the old Oceanos from one bank to the other (Scylax, Periplus, 112). In regard to the ancient geographical meanings of the word Oceanos, we can distinguish three periods. In the first period, or ante-Homeric, under the name of “Oceanos” was understood to be the Pontos, or the Black Sea, a name from which the epithet axeinos had been preserved until late, but with an entirely different meaning in Greek language than the original one, and the Istru was considered in those times only as a gulf of the Ocean (Strabo, I. 1. 7). Another gulf of this Ocean was formed by the Meotic Lake (Pliny, II. 67). In the second geographical period, or the Homeric and Hesiodic times, the Black Sea is Pontos, and the Istru appears under the name ‘Ocheanos potamos and roos ‘Ocheanoio. Finally, in the third period, the names “Oceanos” and “Oceanos potamos” are merge and the term “Oceanos” is applied only to the external seas]. According to Homer and Hesiodus, the country of the first deified kings of the ancient world had been in the extreme parts of the Greek horizon, at north of Thrace or Istru, called in Greek legends Oceanos potamos, the father of gods (Homer, Iliad, XIV, v. 201. 227). The ancient “Oceanos potamos” of the geography of Pelasgian times was not an internal sea, but neither external, as it was later believed, but a simple river, roos (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 402; Odyss. XI. 21. 639; XII. 1; Hesiodus, Op. 566); mediteranean, messo; big, megalos potamos (Homer, Odyss. XI. 157-8); deep flowing, bathurroos (Homer, Odyss. XI. 13); which had its sources (Hesiodus, Theog. v. 282), cataracts (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 403; Orpheus, Argon. V. 1069. 1160; Strabo, I. 1. 7) and whirlpools (Homer, Odyss. X. 511), and which, as Homer tells us, could not be crossed by foot, but only by ship or well built boats (Odyss. XI. 158). Beyond Oceanos potamos, there still existed a considerable part of the European continent, with other rivers, high mountains, rocks, woods (Homer, Odyss. X. 508 seqq; Hesiodus, Theog. v. 129), vast and fertile plains (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 541 seqq), often named in the geography of those times ta eschata and peirata gaies meaning the extreme regions, and “ultima terra” by Ovid (Trist. III. 4. 52). Homer does not say anywhere that Oceanos had been an external sea. In fact, the Greeks did not know in those times either the western Ocean, or the northern one. It is true that Homer (Hymn. in Ven. 228) and Hesiodus (Theog. 79. 282) tell us that Oceanos potamos flew alongside Gaea or Terra. The same geographical idea is also expressed in the text of the Iliad. On the shield of Achilles, Homer tells us, Vulcan had represented in fact not the entire terrestrial globe, but only the fertile land from the northern parts of Thrace, Gaia (Terra), also called “polus Geticus”; where the constellations of the “Ursa” rotate; where some plough the rich and wide plains, and others harvest the abundant crops, where are vineyards with excellent grapes, golden and black, which young girls and boys gather in baskets, singing with pleasant voices, and beating the earth rhythmically with their feet. Near this land, so rich in its crops and attractive for its customs and its pastoral and agricultural festivities, Vulcan, the Iliad tells us, had also shown on the edge of the shield the river Oceanos potamos. In ancient Greek poems, Oceanos potamos also has the epithet aphorroos (Homer, Iliad, XVIII. 399; Odyss. XX. 65), a word whose real meaning is that the flowing water of the river Oceanos was turning back in some places, or formed whirlpools. The same term is often replaced by the epithet bathudines, with deep eddies (Homer, Odyss. X. 511; Hesiodus, Theog. v. 133). In the Argonautic legends, Oceanos potamos is the same slowly flowing river like the Istru of later times. According to Hesiodus, Pindar, Antimachus and Orpheus, the Argonauts pass from the Euxine Pontos in the Mediterranean, sailing on Oceanos potamos (Hesiodus, Fragm. 57); and according to Apollonius Rhodius (Argon. IV. 288) and Valerius Flaccus (Argon. VIII. 185), they take the same way westwards, but navigating on the Istru, also called cheras ‘Ocheanoio. The great river called Oceanos potamos, came from remote regions (Eschyl, Prom. v. 284), flew towards the Pontos from west to east; it then crossed the narrow straits of the Riphei mountains or Carpathians (Orpheus, Argon. V. 1080. 1123; 1201), where it formed many deep whirlpools, very dangerous for navigation (Ibid. v. 1083). Oceanos potamos, after leaving the precipitous straits of the Riphei mountains, flew through the valley or basin of these mountains (Orpheus, Argon. v. 1079), passed alongside plains with extensive pastures, where dwelt the most just of people (Ibid. v. 1136) and numerous pastoral tribes of Scythians, Hyperboreans, Getae, Sauromatae, Sindi, Arimaspians, etc (Ibid. v. 1062 seqq). The sailing boats navigated upriver on Oceanos potamos helped by the north wind Boreas (Homer, Odyss. X. 97). For Hesiodus, Oceanos potamos is a “sacred” river, ieros roos (Opera et dies, v. 566). Near Oceanos potamos were “the islands of the blessed”, macharon nasoi, destined as eternal residence for the illustrious men fallen at Thebes and Troy (Hesiodus, Opera et dies. v. 171). Among these “blessed” islands, the most famous had been in Homeric times Leuce (Pliny, lib. IV. 27. 2), today the Serpents’ Island, situated near the mouths of the Danube, where according to legends Achilles, the great hero of Trojan times, had been buried. cheras ‘Ocheanoio Ocheanos potamos roos ‘Ocheanoio Sea of Saturn Kronios ‘Ocheanos Kronios pontos Mare cronium Homer mentions two ethnic groups of Ethiopians. Some of these dwelt in the east, while others dwelt near Oceanos potamos, the place where, according to the old traditions, the sun set. These latter Ethiopians are also called esperioi, westerners, or from the western regions (Strabo, II. 5. 15), the most extreme people known to the Greeks, virtuous and saintly. The western Ethiopians, or from near Oceanos potamos, are the men favored by gods. According to Stephanos Byzantinos they (Aithiops) were the first to revere the gods, the first who used laws; and the founders of their civilisation had been Mithras and Phlegyas. Jove and all the gods attend their solemn banquets, when they sacrifice hundreds (hecatombs) of bulls and lambs (Homer, Odyss. I. 23; Iliad, I. 428; XXIII. 205). With the poet Pindar, these latter Ethiopians appear under the name of Hyperboreans (Pyth. X. 30 seqq), and with Dionysius Periegetus, under the name of Macrobii, meaning the long lived people. Hesiod places geographically the Ethiopians with the Ligyiens and the Ippomolgian Scythians (Fragm. 132). According to Eschyl (Prom. vinct. 808. 809) they dwelt near the gold rich Arimaspians, and according to Dionysius Periegetus they lived in the beautiful valleys of Kernes / Cerne (v. 218 seqq), or near Erythia, close to the Atlas mountain (Ibid. v. 558-560; Avienus, v. 738 seqq). Through antiquity, memory of two famous proto-historic monuments, namely the Erakleos stelai or Pillars of Hercules, situated near a mountain gorge in the western parts of the Homeric Ocean, has been retained. Some of these traditions claimed that the famous Pillars of Hercules were simple commemorative monuments “laborum Herculis metae”. Hercules, as Pliny tells us (H. N. III), had reached these domains and, because here the mountains on both sides were joined together, had cut a mountain gap, opening a gorge to let the inland sea beyond it to drain through. In memory of this effort and its everlasting achievements, the indigenous population had named the two mountains which form this gorge, “The Pillars of Hercules” (Mela, lib. I. c. 5; Diodorus Siculus, I. IV. 18. 4; Strabo, I. III. 5). The Pillars of Hercules near Oceanos potamos In pre-historical antiquity, the Pillars of Hercules had been a geographical reality. This was the general opinion of the ancient geographers and historians. The fact that results from all these traditions is that the so-called Pillars of Hercules were neither near the Iberian Ocean, which, until the 11th century bc had been unknown to the Phoenicians and Greeks, nor near the Northern Sea or Baltic, which became known to the ancient world only since Cesar’s times. They were near the archaic Ocean at the north of Thrace, the big river of the theogony, the place where takes place the most remarkable deeds of the Pelasgian hero Hercules, in the blessed country of the Hyperboreans, rich in gold, rich in flocks, in miraculous herds and fabulous harvests, country towards which was directed the commercial navigation of the southern Pelasgians, Egyptians, Phoenicians and Greeks, since the most ancient times. According to Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules were in the legendary and remote country of the pious and happy Hyperboreans. In one of his odes, Pindar tells us about Hercules’ trip to the sources (or the cataracts) of Istru, in the country of the Hyperboreans, from whom he had requested an oleander (wild olive tree), to plant it near Jove’s temple at Olympia, to shade the holy altars of the divinities and to crown the virtuous men (Olymp. III. V. 11-19). In the same ode, Pindar also mentions Hercules’ travel to the Istrian country, to Diana, the wonderful rider, and the Pillars of Hercules, as an extreme limit for brave deeds (Olymp. III. V. 26, 45; Isthm. III. 30). Finally, Pindar tells us in other odes of his, that Hercules had erected these columns as famous markers for the extreme limits of navigation; and that the last reaches of travel on water and land were in the region of the Hyperboreans (Nem. III. V. 19-25; Pyth. X. v. 29-30). So, according to the geographical notions expressed by Pindar, the Pillars of Hercules, these extreme limits of navigation and heroic actions, were on Hyperborean territory (Cf. Boeckhius, Pindari Opera, II. 2. 140), the territory of the just, holy (Pindar, Pyth. X. v. 42), wise (Origenes, c. Cels. I. 16) and long lived people of the Istru, or the lower Danube. We also find two important indications about the geographical situation of the Pillars of Hercules with Herodotus. As this author tells us, the Greeks near the Euxine Pontos had positive information about the Pillars of Hercules, which they said were outside the Euxine Pontos, near the big river named Oceanos (lib. IV. 8). And in another place Herodotus tells us about the Pillars of Hercules as being located in the geographical region of the Istru. “The Istru begins its course in the lands of the Celts and flows through the middle of Europe, which it cuts in two parts. The Celts though, live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and are neighbours with the Cynesii, who are the most extreme people in the western parts of Europe. And the Istru flows into the sea near Istria, city which is inhabited by a Milesian colony” (lib. II. C. 33). So, according with the geographical sources of Herodotus, the Pillars of Hercules were not near the Iberian Sea, but in a continental region of Europe, near the Istru, on the eastern side of the Celts, or between the Celts and the Scythians, because, as Diodorus Siculus writes, the Celts were spread in more or less considerable large groups as far as Scythia (lib. III. 32. 1). The Roman poet Avienus, born at Volsinium in Etruria, ex proconsul of Africa and Achaia, summarizes this way the geographical and astronomical ideas of the ancients regarding the Pillars of Hercules: “In the extreme parts of the (known) earth rise up to the sky the Pillars of Hercules, of a longish shape. Here is the place called Gadir, here the superb craggy Atlas rises, here the sky turns around a strong axle, here the hub of the earth and the universe is surrounded by clouds” (Descriptio orbis terrae, v. 98-104). Cardines Mundi on the Atlas mountain, called also axis boreus, axis hyperboreus, polus Geticus, were, as we saw in the previous chapter, in the western parts of the Black Sea, on the territory of Roman Dacia. The Pillars of Hercules belonged therefore, according to the ancient astronomical and geographical theories, to the boreal region. This was also the tradition of the Romans, but a tradition difficult to understand in the times of Drus Germanicus. He had tried to find the Pillars of Hercules near the Northern Sea. The Tyrians look for the Pillars of Hercules in the Mediterranean, the Romans near the North Sea As Strabo tells us, the Tyrians, representatives of Phoenician commerce, had tried three times to find the Pillars of Hercules near the western straits of the Mediterranean, but always without a positive result. According to this author, the inhabitants of Gades were telling how the Tyrians, wanting to set up a new colony, had first consulted the oracle, as were the religious customs of the ancients, and the oracle had suggested to found their colony near the Pillars of Hercules. The men sent by the Tyrians to visit those lands arrived at Calpe, or the western straits of the Mediterranean. Believing that in those extreme parts was the end of the earth and of Hercules’ expeditions, they reasoned that the columns of which the oracle spoke should have also been there. They kept therefore a religious service, but the result of the sacrifice being unfavorable, they returned home. After some time the Tyrians sent again another party to the place indicated by the oracle. These men passed beyond the straits, to a distance of 1500 stades and arrived to an island which was consecrated to Hercules. Believing that here must have been the Pillars of Hercules, they sacrificed to the god, but again the victims were not favorable and they returned home. Finally, the Tyrians sent another group of people for the third time. These settled on the island named Gadeira (Gades), where they founded a temple on the eastern side and a city on the western side of the island. That’s why, says Strabo, some believe that the extreme parts of the straits might be the so-called Pillars of Hercules, while others, on the contrary, consider as the Pillars of Hercules, either the mountains Calpe and Abila, or some smaller islands in the vicinity of these mountains. Artemidor of Ephesus, who had navigated along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea and in part of the External Ocean, tells us that there is no mountain named Abila at the Mediterranean straits. Strabo adds that neither these islands, nor these mountains have the appearance of columns, and that people who insist that the so called Pillars of Hercules must be found somewhere else, have good reasons to say so (Geogr. lib. III. 5. 5). The Romans had conquered the southern parts of Iberia even before the destruction of Carthage (146bc), but none of the Roman generals who had marched with the legions of Italy as far as the Western Ocean, none of the captains of the fleet, who had passed through the Mediterranean straits (Pliny, V. 1. 8; Flor, II. 7; Orosius VI. 21), had claimed the glory of discovering the sacred Pillars of Hercules, and of taking the eagle of the Roman Empire beyond the extreme limits of the ancient world. On the contrary, there was a general tradition with the Roman people, that the legendary Pillars of Hercules were situated near another ocean, and that Drus Germanicus had been the one who had tried to win the glory of finding them and of expanding the Roman Empire to those ends of the earth. “We” writes Tacitus (Germania, c. 34), “have tried to cross even the Northern Ocean, because it is told that the Pillars of Hercules still exist there, either because Hercules really went there, or because we use to attribute to his glory all the miraculous things that are on the surface of the earth. Drus Germanicus had not lacked the courage, but the Ocean had opposed his wish to master it and to find the Pillars of Hercules. …………………………………………………Franchthi Cave is unique in Greece in having an essentially unbroken series of deposits spanning the period from ca. 20,000 B.C. (and probably even earlier) down to ca. 3000 B.C. This is by far the longest recorded continuous occupational sequence from any one site in Greece. The site itself is located in and immediately outside of a large cave in the southeastern Argolid, across a small bay from the modern Greek village of Koilada. Excavation at the site began in 1967 and ended in 1976. The deepest sounding in the cave is in Trench F/A (over 11 meters of stratified living debris); the earliest homogeneous cultural deposits yet found (of the Upper Paleolithic period) come from Trench H/H1 at a depth of 9 meters. DATES: The dates for the various phases of occupation in the cave are derived from radiocarbon (C-14) analyses of a total of over fifty samples, the largest number of radiocarbon samples from any prehistoric site in Greece. The earliest radiocarbon date is ca. 20,000 b.c. for the Upper Paleolithic, the latest near 3000 b.c. for the Final Neolithic. [All dates cited in this summary are uncalibrated radiocarbon dates (years “{b.c.}”) rather than calibrated or calendrical dates (years “{B.C. }”).] But the earliest artifactual material is unmistakably Middle Paleolithic, although such material is rare, and the earliest strata to have been excavated in the cave probably date from between 35,000 and 30,000 years ago. PALEOLITHIC: (ca. 20,000 – 8300 b.c.) [most of Renfrew’s Era of Hunting and Gathering] The period is divided into three phases on the basis of major shifts in the relative frequencies of the various animal families (genera) attested among the faunal remains (animal bones): (A) 70% equid (probably wild ass), ca. 30% red deer; also pig, hare, tortoise, birds. (B) 40% equid, 25% red deer, 25% large bovid (i.e. cow), 10% large caprine (wild goat?); also a few small fish; fox and mole at the top of this level. (C) 70% red deer, 20% or less equid, ca. 10% pig, no large bovid, sporadic caprine at 10% or less; voles appear. Inhabitants of the cave were probably seasonal hunter-gatherers. No certain gathering of plant foods is attested before ca. 11,000 b.c., although large numbers of seeds of the Boraginaceae family may come from plants gathered to furnish soft “bedding” or for the dye which their roots may have supplied. First appearing at ca. 11,000 b.c. are lentils, vetch, pistachios, and almonds. Then ca. 10,500 b.c. and still well within the Upper Paleolithic period appear a few very rare seeds of wild oats and wild barley. Neither wild oats nor wild barley become at all common until ca. 7000 b.c., after which they become a regular and typical feature of the Upper Mesolithic botanical assemblage. At present, there is no evidence for inhabitation of the cave during the winter. The chipped stone industry consists of flint and chert for the most part, although a small amount of obsidian from Melos appears well before the end of the Paleolithic period (ca. 10,900 b.c.); the typical tool is the backed bladelet, a tiny multi-purpose cutting tool, but small end-scrapers (for removing the flesh from hides) are also common. There is no pottery or architecture. No burials have been found. MESOLITHIC: (ca. 8300 – 6000 b.c.) [end of Renfrew’s Era of Hunting and Gathering] This period is divided into two phases on the basis of shifting frequencies among the animal families (genera) represented by the faunal remains: (D1) ca. 70% or more red deer, ca. 30% or less pig, no equid or caprine, large bovid scarce; also much fox, hare, and birds; hedgehog appears, mole rat disappears; some small fish bones. (D2) as for D1, but fish bones increase in number to ca. 20-40% of the total bone assemblage, and these fish are mainly large. The plant remains are much the same as those of the preceding Paleolithic period, with the exceptions that wild pears and a few peas begin to appear ca. 7300 b.c. and that wild oats and barley become common after 7000 b.c. The disappearance of the equid and caprine bones from the faunal assemblage and of seeds of the Boraginaceae family from the botanical assemblage, as well as an increase in the number of pistachios, all taking place ca. 8000 b.c., suggest a change of environment to open forests. There is also the possibility, however, that the change in the animal bones represents a change in the hunting preferences or practices of the cave’s inhabitants. The overall economic picture of the early (or Lower) Mesolithic (D1) is much the same as that of the latest Paleolithic, although there appears to be a hiatus in occupation of some 300-600 years between the latest Palaeolithic deposits in the cave and the earliest Mesolithic materials. The second phase of the Mesolithic (Upper; D2) is characterized by two new developments: (1) the appearance of large quantities of fish bones, particularly those of large fish; (2) the appearance of substantially larger quantities of obsidian from Melos as a material in the local chipped stone industry. These two developments were initially considered to be closely related and to show that the inhabitants of Franchthi Cave not only sailed to Melos (150 kms. away) for obsidian but also fished in deep water for the first time. However, more detailed analysis of the fish bones has shown that the actual number of large fish (probably tuna, for the most part) represented is relatively small; the fish in question might well have been herded into shallow water and clubbed or speared, so their bones need not imply deep-sea fishing. As for the obsidian, its appearance at the cave in small quantities as early as the Upper Paleolithic shows that there need have been no particularly novel developments in the later Mesolithic to explain its presence on the site. The chipped stone industry is now characterized by small, geometrically shaped tools ({microlith}s). There is still no pottery or architecture. A novel feature in ground stone during both phases of the Mesolithic is the appearance of millstones made of andesite, imported almost certainly by sea from the Saronic Gulf to the north. The earliest burial found at Franchthi is of Lower Mesolithic date: a 25-year-old male buried in a contracted position in a shallow pit near the mouth of the cave. The pit was covered with fist-sized stones; there were no burial goods; the young man had died from blows to the forehead, but he seems to have already been suffering severely from malaria. Further examination in 1989 of the human bone found throughout the cave resulted in the realization that this Mesolithic male burial lay at the top of a deposit of several other, disturbed Mesolithic burials (five inhumations and two cremations) plus fragments of another two to five individuals that are not necessarily the remains of burials. Analysis of the human bone from elsewhere in the cave produced evidence for at least one other Mesolithic burial, this of the Upper Mesolithic phase, in another location, in addition to fragments of another 6 to 25 individuals sprinkled throughout Mesolithic strata within the cave. These bones represent individuals of all age groups (adults, adolescents, infants, neonates) and hence would appear to make the conclusion inescapable that the human groups that occupied the cave during the Mesolithic did so on a permanent basis. Otherwise, the existence of what amounts to a genuine cemetery here, one which accommodated the full spectrum of the social group occupying the cave, is difficult to explain. In his 1995 review of the evidence for the Mesolithic throughout Greece, Runnels argues that the foraging culture of this earliest stage of the Holocene exhibits a number of commonalities wherever it is represented in continental Greece or on the island of Corfu: first, it appears to be unconnected with the preceding Upper Palaeolithic; second, it is manifested at coastal, or near coastal (Kleisoura Gorge in the Argolid), locations only, and is surprisingly absent in some large areas where both preceding Palaeolithic and ensuing Early Neolithic remains are abundantly attested (e.g. eastern Thessaly); third, it exhibits an unusual focus on marine resources and long-distance maritime acquisition networks involving such raw materials as obsidian and andesite, as well as such food resources as tuna; and fourth, it is the first human culture attested in Greece to manifest any concern for the ritualized disposal of its dead. Runnels sees in these various facets of Mesolithic culture grounds for identifying the bearers of Mesolithic culture as an intrusive group approaching the Greek Mainland by water rather than overland and spreading from east (e.g. Franchthi Cave) to west (the open-air site of Sidari on Corfu) during the course of the period. This Mesolithic “colonization” of Greece thus represents for him an episode of demic diffusion from the east that precedes a second such episode about 1500 years later that inaugurates the Neolithic era. EARLY NEOLITHIC: (ca. 6000-5000 b.c.) [Renfrew’s Introduction of Simple Village Farming] The beginning of the Neolithic period at Franchthi Cave is characterized by three new features: (1) the appearance of domesticated forms of sheep and goat; (2) the appearance of domesticated forms of wheat, barley, and lentil; (3) the appearance of polished stone tools (e.g. celts, with which to fell trees and thus clear land) and a significant increase in the number of grinding stones (for grinding grain) and sickle elements (flint and obsidian flakes and bladelets with a distinctive {silica gloss} along one or more edges from having been used to cut plants). On present evidence, there seems to be a brief period at the beginning of Early Neolithic when pottery was not yet made (in other words, an {Aceramic}Neolithic phase), but this is of short duration. Thus another major feature of Early Neolithic culture which sets it apart from the preceding Era of Hunting and Gathering (i.e. Paleolithic and Mesolithic) is the appearance of pottery. Also during the Early Neolithic period, occupation at Franchthi for the first time extended beyond the confines of the cave into the so-called “Paralia” (= “Beach”) area where there is, for the first time at the site, evidence for some kind of rough architecture in the form of stretches of rubble walls. It is likely that these were rough retaining walls on the uphill side of a fairly extensive open-air settlement outside the cave which, as cores drilled in the bay below the site have revealed, is now just about totally submerged. The shed milk teeth of sheep from the cave show that this area of the site served at least occasionally as a sheepfold in Neolithic times. Early Neolithic pottery is mostly (70%) dark monochrome burnished ware in the form of hole-mouthed jars and deep hemispherical bowls fired at relatively low temperatures (<650C) in small batches. A variety of painted ware with patterns in red or red-brown paint appears after the beginning of the Early Neolithic but never exceeds 5% of the total pottery. The relative rarity of pottery in EN levels at Franchthi has led Vitelli to estimate production at a very low level, perhaps only some 10-13 vessels per year. The function of these vessels, to judge from their shape, size, decoration, and signs of wear and repair was neither storage nor cooking (which one might perhaps have expected from human groups in the initial stages of a sedentary existence) but rather display; that is, the initial function of pottery may have been as some sort of prestige artifact. Among the chipped stone, the percentage of obsidian has risen from 10% in the Upper Mesolithic (D2) to 40% in EN and blades become more popular. In the category of worked bone, fish-hooks appear for the first time. Of eight EN burials, two are of children and six of infants younger than one year; an adult (17-year-old) female burial dates to the transition from Early to Middle Neolithic. All except one are simple inhumations in shallow pits without any grave goods. The exception is an infant only a few weeks old who was buried with a small footed vessel made of marble and about half of a clay vase. The reason for the extraordinary “richness” of this grave is unknown, but such wealth in the grave of an infant suggests that status may have been hereditary in this society. The clay vase deposited in it may have been ceremonially “killed”, thus accounting for the fact that almost exactly one half of it, but no more, is preserved. The shift in the nature of the botanical material is both sudden and dramatic. The wild oats, barley, lentils, pears, and peas disappear; emmer wheat and cultivated/domesticated forms of barley and lentil occur for the first time. At present, it is uncertain whether all of the cultivated forms were introduced from elsewhere or whether some of the domesticated species could have developed locally from wild forms. This dramatic change in the plant remains is paralleled in the faunal material by the equally sudden appearance in quantity of domesticated sheep and goat. MIDDLE NEOLITHIC: (ca. 5000-4500 b.c.) [beginning of Renfrew’s Diversification of Village Farming Pattern] This period is distinguished from the preceding EN and the subsequent Late Neolithic on the basis of minor changes in the pottery. The relative frequencies of animal bone (exclusive of fish) in the MN period are: ca. 70-75% sheep/goat, 10% pig, 15% red deer, and 5% cow. Fish (including large ones) constitute ca. 10% of the total bone assemblage. There is a smooth transition from EN to MN pottery. Basically, early MN pottery is made of a finer fabric, is harder, and is more uniform and lighter in both surface and fracture color than that of the preceding EN period. Potters had clearly learned to purify their clay more thoroughly and to fire their products at higher temperatures (ca. 800C), in significantly larger batches which required the stacking of vessels during the firing process, and under more carefully controlled conditions. Another characteristic of early MN pottery is the application to it of a reddish slip or wash, either as a solid coating or in the form of simple linear patterns. This early MN slipped ware gradually develops into the pottery characteristic of mature MN, so-called {Middle Neolithic Urfirnis} (a German term meaning, literally, “old glaze”). This latter ware’s slip (often called a “paint” by Aegean prehistorians) is characterized by being finer and more lustrous than the early MN slip. By mature MN, the range of shapes has increased dramatically over the relatively simple repertoire of EN. “Urfirnis” occurs in three varieties: (a) solidly painted, plain; (b) pattern-painted; (c) solidly painted, pattern-burnished. The plain solidly painted variety remains roughly constant at 50-65% of the total pottery; the {pattern-painted} variety (= dark-on-light patterns created by the application of “Urfirnis” paint/slip to the pale-firing ground of the clay body) begins from zero, rises to a maximum of 20%, and then declines in popularity in favor of the {pattern-burnished} variety (= vases coated solidly with “Urfirnis” paint/slip and then selectively burnished to create highly lustrous [= burnished] patterns against the less lustrous [= unburnished] background). For the first time, truly coarse clay pastes are used to produce pots fired at lower temperatures than the finer wares and having less carefully finished surfaces. These first examples of “coarse wares”, to judge from the evidence in the form of localized surface discolorations for repeated secondary burning, functioned as cooking vessels. In chipped stone, the percentage of obsidian has risen again, now to 75% of the total. MN levels are characterized by two types of arrowheads, transverse (which come from deposits of the EN/MN transition, of MN, and occasionally of the MN/LN transition, but never from later deposits) and shouldered. Two adult burials belong to women whose ages at death are estimated to have been 33 and 39. The older woman was buried with a whole pot, some bone tools, and some obsidian blades. Her bones were packed so tightly into the pit in which they were found that the excavators assume the burial to have been a secondary one, a mode of burial which does in fact appear to begin in southern Greece during the MN period to judge from finds at other sites. The grave goods found with this middle-aged woman are strongly suggestive of personal possessions and may indicate that the dead woman had some special status as a craftswoman. Just before the end of the MN period appears the first einkorn wheat. LATE NEOLITHIC:(ca. 4500-4000 b.c.) [continuation of Renfrew’s Diversification of Village Farming Pattern] This period, like MN, is distinguished primarily on the basis of changes in pottery. Within LN and the succeeding Final Neolithic period there are three separate patterns of animal bone frequencies: (F1) ca. 90% sheep/goat, 10% pig; cow and red deer very scarce; fish ca. 5%. (F2) as F1, but fish up to 20-40%. (G) ca. 70% sheep/goat, 10-15% pig, red deer and cow up to 10-15% and 5% respectively, fish down to 5% or less. The beginning of the period is defined by the appearance of {Late Neolithic Matt-painted} pottery (= dark-on-light pattern-painted ware where the paint is dull, or matt, in contrast to the lustrous “Urfirnis” paint of MN). This change in the luster of the paint/slip used for decoration may reflect the substitution of a manganese-based paint for an earlier iron-based one; the former has no luster but also does not vary in color when fired, whereas iron-based paints usually vary in color from red through brown to black depending upon the degree of oxidation of the iron in the paint. In advanced LN, Matt-painted ware accounts for up to 50% of the total pottery. A transitional MN/LN class of pottery is Fine Black-burnished ware, often decorated with fugitive white paint which usually survives only as a “ghost” or “negative” on the black-burnished surface. At its peak, this Fine Black-burnished ware accounts for ca. 20% of the total pottery. In the chipped stone, barbed or barbed-and-tanged arrowheads appear, but such arrowheads persist as late as the beginning of the Early Bronze Age further north in the Argolid and so can hardly be considered absolutely diagnostic of the LN phase. The percentage of obsidian is now up to 85%. Wild grape pips appear during LN and continue into Final Neolithic. FINAL NEOLITHIC:(ca. 4000-3000 b.c.) [continuation of Renfrew’s Diversification of Village Farming Pattern] This period has only been recognized as a major sub-phase of the Neolithic, distinct on ceramic grounds from the preceding LN, since about 1970. Some scholars prefer to view it as no more than a later stage of the Late Neolithic (i.e. LN II). On the southern Greek Mainland, and particularly at Franchthi, the pottery of this period is characterized by a predominance of coarse, unpainted wares exhibiting a variety of odd handle types and a preference for plastic, as opposed to painted, decoration. Small amounts of a number of odd wares (e.g. red-on-white painted; crusted; dark slipped-and-burnished; pattern-burnished) also occur during the period. In chipped stone, large triangular arrowheads of flint, bifacially flaked, are characteristic. Obsidian now accounts for 95% of the chipped stone at Franchthi. For the first time at Franchthi, the buried population in the FN period consists both of adults (4) and children (2), the adults including both women (3) and men (1). As in the case of the MN burials, adult burials appear to be secondary whereas the child burials are primary. With FN, the prehistoric occupational sequence at Franchthi Cave ends. A few odd bits of Bronze Age material suggest that the cave was visited sporadically over the ensuing two millennia, and finds of specialized votive material at the back of the cave show that it served some sort of cult purpose in Classical times, but it never served again as a principal residence for any significant number of people. The reason for its abandonment ca. 3000 b.c. was the steady rise in sea level which, though not rapid in comparison to that which took place between 14,000 and 6,000 B.C., nevertheless buried at this time the broad terrace below the cave on which both the settlement and the fields of the Neolithic inhabitants had been located. PALEOLITHIC AND MESOLITHIC ELSEWHERE IN GREECE: Only a limited number of sites producing remains of these periods have yet been excavated in Greece: Asprochaliko Cave in the Louros River valley and the Kastritsa Rock Shelter at the south end of Lake Pambotis (or Ioannina), both in Epirus; the not too far distant Klithi Rock Shelter near the Albanian border and the Grave Rock Shelter and Sidari open-air site on the island of Corfu, all also in northwestern Greece; Theopetra Cave in Thessaly; Seidi Cave in the Copaïc Basin of Boeotia; Kephalari Cave and the Kleisoura Rock Shelter in the Argolid; and Kalamakia Cave in the Mani region of Laconia. Paleolithic stone implements have now also been found in a number of areas as the result of surface surveys: in the Peneios River valley of Thessaly, on the island of Euboea, in Boeotia, in Epirus, in the Peneios River Valley of Elis, and in the central and southeastern Argolid. Some of the material from Asprochaliko and from the southeastern Argolid belongs to the Middle Paleolithic period (ca. 30,000 to 40,000 years ago). No pre-Neolithic material has so far been found in Crete nor is there any certain evidence for pre-Neolithic settlement in the Cycladic islands, despite the fact that Melian obsidian is to be found on the Greek Mainland as early as the Upper Paleolithic period at Franchthi Cave…………………….In their comprehensive study of the Greek Neolithic, Demoule and Perl`s divide this era into three major horizons which they view as being separated by significant changes in such spheres as exchange systems, the production and function of ceramics, the sizes of and durations of occupation at settlement sites, and changing degrees of cultural uniformity throughout the region. The earliest of these horizons corresponds to Thessalian and Peloponnesian EN and MN (their Phases 1 and 2), the second to LN (a millennium-long period which they subdivide into Phases 3 and 4), and a last, even longer phase corresponding to FN (Phase 5). The exploitation of wild (as opposed to domesticated) food resources played a surprisingly limited role in the Greek Neolithic. The economy may therefore be accurately described as {agropastoral} [farming = agro-; stock-rearing and herding = pastoral], with no significant emphasis on hunting, except for the copious evidence for fishing in the islands. During the earlier phases of the Neolithic era, settlements were concentrated on the most fertile alluvial and colluvial soils. Because these soils retained water well and could be easily enough turned over, or tilled, by human labor, there was no need for draft animals or artificial irrigation to any significant degree. Not surprisingly, therefore, the faunal record offers no evidence for the presence of donkeys, horses, or oxen, nor does Neolithic architecture in Greece include any large-scale irrigation works, although fairly wide and deep ditches around settlements are not uncommon is some areas (e.g. Thessaly). Villages occupied throughout the year (as indicated by the age at death of the pigs raised in them) and for long periods of time (as revealed by the deep stratification at numerous mound sites in Macedonia [where they are known as toumbas], Thessaly [where they are known as magoulas], and central Greece, as well as at Knossos on Crete) are the norm for the Greek Neolithic; the latter phenomenon in quite rare in the remainder of Europe at this time. Settlement density and settlement size are both significantly higher in the northern parts of Greece than they are in the Peloponnese and the islands (aside from Knossos on Crete). Right from the beginning of the Neolithic there is evidence for widespread trade in utilitarian goods (mostly stone tools and the materials from which these were produced) as well as in exotics (display items of shell and, in the later phases, metal). Evidence for at least part-time craft specialization is reasonably copious throughout, but compelling evidence for social stratification and organizational hierarchies is rare. Monumental architecture, whether funerary or ritual in function, is conspicuously absent. THE NEOLITHIC SEQUENCE IN THESSALYAceramic Neolithic This period has been identified at some half-dozen sites and can be roughly dated to shortly before 6500 B.C. although no carbon dates are yet available for it. At Argissa, there is evidence for domesticated cattle and for some domesticatd plants (wheat, barley, oats). This diet was supplemented by peas, lentils, vetch, pistachios, acorns, and wild olives. At Argissa, six shallow oval cuttings were found in the bedrock. Associated post-holes, hearths, and pebble floors indicate a small permanent settlement. The houses have been interpreted as “pit-huts” with sunken floors: gradually, some have theorized, the floor levels rose and the huts became buildings with floors at ground level. Other authorities consider such a development unlikely. No fired pottery occurs, but attempts at making it are preserved in the form of fragments of simple sun-dried pottery. Between 30% and 60% of the chipped stone is obsidian. Arrowheads at Argissa are of the transverse type. Other stone objects include “ear-plugs” (or were these used for the lips or nose?).Early Neolithic (ca. 6000-5300 b.c.) The three subdivisions of this period are based on changes in the pottery. The numbeers and settlement stability of the EN occupation in Thessaly are striking in view of the dearth of Mesolithic sites in the region. Demoule and Perlìs report 120 EN sites in eastern Thessaly alone, with an average intersite spacing of less than 5 kms.; no less than 75% of these continue to be occupied in the subsequent MN period.Early Ceramic There is now evidence for domesticated sheep and goat. Plant remains at Sesklo, Souphli, and Achilleion include wheat, barley, pea, and lentil, all of which were already present in the Aceramic Neolithic. Pottery at Argissa is red or reddish-brown burnished ware in the form of simple hemispherical bowls and hole-mouthed jars, both shapes familiar from the Early Neolithic at Franchthi Cave.Proto-Sesklo Pottery becomes much better made and more varied. Features such as articulated rims, distinct bases, and sometimes quite elaborate feet appear. Typical is red- or pink-slipped ware. The first pattern-painted pottery occurs in a red-on-white style. The richest Proto-Sesklo site is Nea Nikomedeia, located 60 kms. southwest of Thessaloniki, actually in southwestern Macedonia rather than in Thessaly. The site has four building levels broken down into two main Early Neolithic phases. Carbon dates from the site suggest an occupation period of ca. 5800-5300 b.c. The layout of the architecture at Nea Nikomedeia is that of an “open settlement” with free-standing structures. The buildings are rectangular in plan and have a framework of oak posts entwined with reeds and rushes, both sides of which are coated with mud [the so-called {wattle-and-daub} technique of wall-building]. The use of mudbrick is unknown at the site. The houses are oriented east-west for protection from prevailing northerly winds. Those excavated tend to be relatively large (8 x 8, 8 x 8, 8.5 x 6 m.). In the first architectural period, four houses are grouped around a larger structure (12 x 12 m.), possibly a shrine, or perhaps a chieftain’s hut, to judge from its contents. This “shrine” is divided into three sections internally by two rows of posts. The resulting large central room also features internal buttresses. If not a communal shrine, this building would seem to be evidence for some sort of social hierarchy. In the first phase, the site was surrounded by a wall, but in the subsequent phase this wall was replaced by a deep water-filled ditch; neither feature makes very good sense as a serious defensive structure, and the latter may have been intended principally for drainage Wheat (but not breadwheat), barley (naked, not hulled), and lentils were the main crops at Nea Nikomedeia, but peas and vetch were also known. Sheep and goat are the most common animals, but domesticated pigs and cattle were also present. Hunting and fishing are also well attested by the surviving animal bones. The most common type of pottery is monochrome, either plain burnished or slipped and burnished. There is also pattern-painted pottery, either red-on-cream or, less commonly, white-on-reddish-brown. Large female figurines of terracotta feature slitted eyes and fat buttocks; they may have been intended to represent pregnant females. A number of figurines, together with two polished stone axes and a cache of 400 flint blades, were found in the “shrine”. Other stone objects include “stamp seals” (also called “pintaderas”) designed to create geometric impressions, “ear plugs”, axes and adzes, and carved frogs; flint and chert sickle blades were set into bone or wooden handles. Clay sling bullets are more common than stone arrowheads. Awls, pins, needles, and fish-hooks were made of bone. There is evidence for twined basketry from impressions on the bases of clay vases. The dead were buried within the settlement area in a contracted position in shallow pits outside houses or within ruined buildings. Grave gifts are absent except in one case where a pebble was stuck in the mouth of a male skeleton.Pre-Sesklo This is an intrusive northern or northwestern culture found only in northern Thessaly, where it succeeds the Proto-Sesklo culture. Pre-Sesklo is characterized by the appearance in quantity of impressed wares: at first, barbotine and nail-impressed, then later a finer ware exhibiting impressions made with cardium shells. Figurines are crude and pear-shaped and lack any facial features or incised decoration. This intrusive culture is gradually absorbed and has almost entirely disappeared by the time of the emergence of the Sesklo culture in the Middle Neolithic period. There is some evidence for secondary burial in the Pre-Sesklo culture at the site of Prodromos in western Thessaly where eleven skulls and a few other bones were found in three successive strata underneath a house floor. At this same site, the EN remains of what was probably the roof of a building included squared beams joined by wooden pegs.Middle Neolithic (or “Sesklo culture”) (ca. 5300-4400 b.c. at Sesklo itself) The culture of this period in Thessaly develops directly from the Proto-Sesklo culture of the Early Neolithic period and differs from its predecessor largely in being richer, more complex, and more uniform. The Sesklo culture extends from Servia in western Macedonia south to Lianokladhi in Phthiotis, an area of distribution comparable in size to that occupied by the contemporary MN culture of southern Greece characterized by Urfirnis pottery. The type site for this Thessalian phase, during which the total number of sites and the average size of individual sites both increase, is Sesklo. The hallmark of the period is the elaborately decorated red-on-white-painted Sesklo ware. Monochrome red-slipped ware is also very popular. Sesklo consists of an acropolis surrounded by a lower town, the whole estimated to have covered some 25-30 acres and to have housed some 3000-4000 inhabitants. The acropolis of Sesklo appears to have been enclosed within a wall approximately one meter thick, not a very impressive fortification but nevertheless a barrier of sorts, while at some other sites contemporary fortifications take the simpler form of a surrounding ditch. The acropolis of Sesklo is covered with square and rectangular buildings. Near the center is a {megaron} (rectangular building with a porch in front of one of the short sides and an axially placed door in this short side). Not far off is a two-room rectangular building, identified on the basis of its contents as a potter’s shop, in one room of which there are internal buttresses to help support the roof. Such internal buttresses are also attested in House P at Tsangli and appear to be a fairly common architectural feature of this period. In general, houses are square or rectangular in plan, consist of relatively few separate rooms, and are separated from each other by narrow alleys. They have rubble {socle}s [that is, foundations of unworked fieldstones] about one meter high and superstructures of mudbrick (attested already in the Early Neolithic at Sesklo, in contrast with the wattle-and-daub architecture typical of EN Nea Nikomedeia); the roofs were pitched (on the evidence of house models from Krannon and elsewhere); the walls may have been pierced by windows and by several doorways, as well as perhaps being gaily painted (again on the evidence of house models). The economic basis of this culture appears to remain largely unchanged from that typical of the Early Neolithic. The percentage of obsidian among the chipped stone at Sesklo rises, probably indicating improved and more extensive exchange networks throughout the Aegean. Figurines continue much as before, although there is now more evidence for male figurines. Stone “ear plugs” disappear. Not one Neolithic burial has yet been found at Sesklo. This fact indicates that either burial was performed beyond the bounds of the town or “burial” as a rite was not considered important and bodies were simply discarded. In the entire Middle Neolithic period throughout Greece, the only evidence for a “cemetery” is a group of secondary cremation burials in a cave at Prosymna in the Argolid. The Larissa phase, originally assigned by Milojcic to the early stages of the Final Neolithic, has more recently been recognized by Gallis to be a phase transitional between Middle and Late Neolithic. Its most distinctive pottery is a fine black- burnished ware decorated in white with linear patterns, a class of pottery which is similar in concept to a contemporary (i.e. transitional MN-to-LN) ware in southern Greece. To this Larissa phase dates the cemetery at Souphli, the earliest true cemetery of the Thessalian Neolithic, in which the cremated bones of the dead were crammed into black- burnished jars each of which was buried in an individual pit.Late Neolithic (ca. 4300-3300 b.c.) The Late Neolithic in Thessaly is often referred to as the “Dimini culture” (for example, by Vermeule), but this is misleading in that the rich finds from Dimini itself represent a provincial eastern Thessalian variant of the later LN period in Thessaly as a whole. Milojcic and his German co-workers have divided the Late Neolithic period in Thessaly into four phases on the basis of changes in ceramics. These phases fall into two broad subdivisions as follows:Tsangli-Arapi Phases: earlier Late Neolithic (ca. 4300-3800 b.c.) Pottery is either dark-surfaced, plain or incised, or light-surfaced with dark-on-light pattern-painted decoration executed in a matt paint. There are no figurines. Relatively little architecture from these phases is known, although the large megaron from Velestino may belong here. Measuring some thirty meters long, this is the largest Neolithic building thus far known in Greece. A cemetery of creamtion burials of the Tsangli Phase at Plateia Magoula Zarkou is located over 300 meters from the contemporary settlement and provides evidence for some sort of social differentiation, probably gender-based, in the form of a mutuall exclusive distribution of collar-necked jar and concave-sided bowl shapes among the tombs. From the settlement at this same site, where it had been carefully placed in a pit sealed beneath a house floor, probably as some sort of “foundation deposit”, comes a remarkable terracotta model of a roofless building containing eight human figures, two larger “adult couples” and four smaller children accompanied by a range of domestic equipment.Otzaki-Dimini Phases: later Late Neolithic (ca. 3800-3300 b.c.) The famous pottery from Dimini showing a marked preference for spiraliform and meandroid patterns belongs to the later of these two phases but is typical of east Thessaly only. Naturalistic figurines are rare although they certainly exist (e.g. the well-known seated woman holding a child, from Sesklo). More characteristic are schematic figurines in marble which loosely resemble later Cycladic types of the Early Bronze Age. The architecture at Dimini and Sesklo is distinctive: small “forts” with multiple enclosure walls and a central megaron opening onto a courtyard. Parallels are fairly common in the Early Bronze Age of western Anatolia (Troy I-II, Karatas Semayük, Demirci Hüyük, etc.). It is at present unknown whether towns existed outside of these fortified Thessalian complexes. The total chronological span of these phases is a little unclear; there are three building levels at Dimini, two at Sesklo. The fact that bears are represented in the bone assemblages from Dimini and contemporary Pefkakia only by foot bones has suggested to some that these are all that is left of bearskins that served as either rugs or wall hangings. Typical of the later LN in Thessaly is a growing regionalism, while in contemporary southern Greece settlement in caves is on the rise.Final Neolithic (ca. 3300-2500 b.c.) Thessalian Final Neolithic is known as the Rachmani phase, a long period which overlaps with southern Greek Final Neolithic but which extends well beyond it so that its end is contemporary with the phase of the southern Greek Early Bronze Age known as Early Helladic II. The pottery of the Rachmani phase is extremely varied. Distinctive is {Crusted ware}, in which vases are coated after firing with colored “paste” which can be scraped off relatively easily. This Crusted ware has technological parallels in the Final Neolithic of Franchthi Cave. Figurines of this phase are frequently { acrolithic}; that is, the heads are made of stone, while the bodies are of clay or wood. Copper objects appear for the first time, so the culture is properly described as {Chalcolithic} (chalkos = “copper” + lithos = “stone”). Architecture is poorly known except for the apsidal House Q at Rachmani itself. At the coastal site of Pefkakia in the Gulf of Pagasai, imported Early Helladic II pottery (so-called EH “Urfirnis”, including fragments of the distinctive sauceboat shape) is found in late Rachmani contexts, an indication of the extensive intercultural contacts of the middle phase of the Early Bronze Age which distinguish that era from the more self-contained Neolithic period.THE NEOLITHIC SEQUENCE IN CRETE There is as yet no evidence from Crete for human occupation in either the Palaeolithic or Mesolithic periods. Early Neolithic finds are so far restricted to the settlement at Knossos. The following summary is based almost entirely on J. D. Evans’ excavations at Knossos.Aceramic Neolithic (from before 6000 to 5700 b.c.) [Level X = at least four architectural levels] There is no pottery, but two baked clay figurines have been found. Walls are of unbaked mudbrick or of stones, mud, and mudbrick. No complete house plans have been recovered. The economy is a fully developed Neolithic one including domesticated wheat, barley, lentils, sheep/goat, pig, and some cattle. Of the bones, ca. 75% are sheep/goat, 20% pig. Stone axe-heads are rare. Chipped stone includes some Melian obsidian from the beginning of the sequence. Querns and grinders of stone are also present from the beginning.Early Neolithic (ca. 5700-3700 b.c.) This period is subdivided into two phases of drastically different lengths: Early Neolithic I (ca. 5700-4000 b.c.) [Levels IX-V] This period constitutes by far the longest stage of homogeneous cultural activity on the site. The buildings in Levels IX-VIII are rectangular and constructed of fired mudbrick. From Level VII onwards, buildings are constructed of {pisé} (poured mud) on stone foundations. Wall surfaces are regularly mud-plastered. Although no complete house plans were recovered, it is clear that buildings of this phase, as later in the Neolithic sequence at Knossos, consisted of large numbers of relatively small rooms. Since the roofing over these structures was flat and fairly thick, all unsupported spans were necessarily kept relatively small. Pottery, which appears in a fully developed form and increases in quantity with time, is generally dark-surfaced and burnished. It is decorated with incised and dot-impressed ({pointillé}) motifs which are often filled with white, and occasionally with red, paste. Complex handles and rims are claimed as evidence that the pottery was not in a formative stage of development and hence that the technology behind it was imported wholesale from outside the island, but such features could conceivably have been imitated from containers in other media such as woodwork or basketry. Stone axes are still rare, while stone maceheads first appear in Level VI.Early Neolithic II (ca. 4000-3700 b.c.) [Level IV = three architectural levels] There are no apparent changes in the architecture. Again no complete house plans were recovered, but one partially cleared building, none of whose original limits were certainly located, consisted of at least eight rectangular rooms. Towards the end of the period, new shapes in pottery increase in frequency and rippled relief decoration becomes popular. In an overall sense, however, the pottery is much the same as in the preceding period. Also near the end of the period the first evidence for a weaving industry appears in the form of spindle whorls, loomweights, and shuttles. Stone maceheads and axes increase in frequency. Rock crystal makes its first appearance among the materials used for chipped stone tools.Middle Neolithic (ca. 3700-3600 b.c.) [Level III = one architectural level] This is a short transitional phase. For the first time, sizable portions of house plans were recovered. The buildings are large, basically rectangular units with many small rooms, in marked contrast to the small freestanding buildings of contemporary Thessaly which consist of between two and four rooms each. The changes in the pottery are minor. There is increased evidence for weaving, and the number of stone axes and maceheads continues to grow. A simple nine-room house at the site of Katsamba is contemporary with this period at Knossos.Late Neolithic (ca. 3600-2800 b.c.) [Levels II-I = three architectural levels] The two large buildings excavated by Sir Arthur Evans under the central court of the later Minoan palace belong to this phase. These buildings contained two fixed hearths, unparalleled in the other Neolithic phases at the site and unusual in later Minoan Crete. The better preserved (A) consists of at least fifteen rooms. The pottery is largely unchanged except for the appearance of “crusted” decoration at the very end of this phase, at more or less the same time as it appears in both Thessaly (Rachmani) and southern Greece (Final Neolithic). The first evidence for the use of metal artifacts consists of a copper axe found by Sir Arthur Evans in one of the buildings he excavated. There is now growing evidence for occupation at a number of other sites in Crete in the form of pottery from Phaistos, finds from numerous caves in west and central Crete (e.g. Platyvola, Trapeza), and a house at the site of Magasa. The last, an unusual two-roomed structure in which no less than nineteen stone axes and four millstones as well as fragments of obsidian were found, may have been a toolmaker’s workshop or even something as rustic as a sheepfold; as an isolated building not forming part of a larger hamlet or village, it is distinctly unusual in prehistoric Crete.Cretan Neolithic Burials At Knossos, there is no evidence for adult burials, but infant and child burials are found in pits under house floors in the Aceramic, EN II, and MN levels. During the Late Neolithic period, caves and rock shelters served as burial places in other parts of Crete.THE NEOLITHIC SEQUENCE IN THE CYCLADIC ISLANDSThe Saliagos Culture (ca. 4300-3700 b.c.)The Excavated Site The only extensively excavated site of this culture, Saliagos, lies on what is now a small islet between Paros and Antiparos. This site was clearly a settlement, the finds from it including architecture, pottery, stone artifacts, and both plant and animal (including fish and shellfish) remains. The architecture consists of buildings with rectangular rooms. In the last of the three distinguishable strata on the site, much of the excavated area was occupied by a single rectangular complex measuring 15 by more than 17 meters. The pottery is dark-surfaced, usually unburnished when coarse and burnished when fine. Characteristic are open bowls, of which ca. 40% stand on high pedestal feet. Equally characteristic is the decoration of this dark-surfaced pottery with geometric ornament, both rectilinear and curvilinear, in white matt paint. The chipped stone, exclusively of obsidian, has as its most distinct types ovates and tanged or tanged-and-barbed points/arrowheads (perhaps all used in fishing for tuna); blades are rare. Marble figurines of both schematic (fiddle-shaped) and realistic (“The Fat Lady of Saliagos”, a {steatopygous}[excessively big-butted] female stylistically typical of the Neolithic period) types were found, though they were rare (only one of each). Fragments of two marble vases were recovered. Plant remains consist of emmer wheat and two-row barley. Of the animal bones, sheep/goat accounted for 83.5%, pig for 12.1%, and cattle for 3.5%. Large numbers of fish bones were found, of which 97% of the identifiable pieces belonged to tuna, often of very large size. Interestingly, however, no fish-hooks were identified among the artifacts of bone or stone and nets are unlikely to have been used to catch fish of this size. In all probability, the characteristic tanged arrowheads were used to spear such fish out of the water. Large numbers of shellfish were also collected by the Neolithic inhabitants of Saliagos (35 different species identified). The Culture Although a fairly large number of sites characterized by the stone tool assemblage found at Saliagos have now been identified in the Cyclades, the vast majority of these sites are small and many of them were probably nothing more than lookout posts or even spots where a single individual spent a short period of time obsidian-knapping. The only site to have produced evidence of farming activity is Saliagos itself, and sites of any size are few. In any case, the density of sites of any kind during this period seems low and the “colonization” of the Cyclades appears to have been a fairly late and gradual phenomenon which may have been connected with the exploitation of annual tuna runs through the central Aegean but which clearly was not connected with the first exploitation of Melian obsidian, a phenomenon predating the 200-to-400-year occupational history of Saliagos by some 6000 years. No traces of a cemetery or of tombs of any sort were found at Saliagos nor was any metal. The Saliagos culture is roughly contemporary with late MN and early LN on the Greek Mainland. In terms of both its pottery and its reliance on marine resources, it differs considerably from known Mainland Greek or Cretan Neolithic cultures. Similar pottery has been found at sites on nearby Naxos (Grotta, Cave of Zas); the closest mainland ceramic analogues come from Anatolia to the east rather than the Greek Mainland to the west, thus suggesting that the Cyclades may have been initially colonized during the Neolithic pereiod by human groups from both sides of the Aegean. The Kephala Culture (ca. 3300-3200 b.c. or later in radiocarbon years) The Excavated Site Located at the northwestern tip of the island of Keos, Kephala consists of both a settlement and a nearby extramural cemetery. The settlement was short-lived (estimated occupational duration of one century) and small (maximum population estimate of 50) and is one of several more or less contemporary sites on the island (which include Paoura, Sykamia, and Ayia Irini). The settlement architecture at Kephala consists of small, poorly preserved buildings composed of one or more rectangular rooms. On the south side and near the base of the headland on which the settlement is located is a cemetery consisting of forty excavated graves containing the remains of sixty-five individuals (21 adult males, 25 adult females, 5 adults of unknown sex, 9 children, 5 infants). Thirty-five of the forty graves have walls constructed of small stones. In plan, these graves can be rectangular, circular, or oval, and they vary considerably in size (0.46-1.58 m. in length). In section, the graves occasionally narrow somewhat towards the top, though corbelling was not regularly practiced, and the interior height varies from 0.15 to 0.85 m. The graves were roofed with large slabs of schist. At least seven of these built graves were surmounted by built stone platforms, usually rectangular in plan, whose function is unclear. Of the five graves which were not constructed of small stones, two were small slab-sided cists (one containing a jar burial) and three were jar burials in simple pits. All five of these smaller and simpler tombs were used for the burial of children or infants. All burials were inhumations, the skeletons usually being contracted. Among the twenty-five tombs for which precise details are available, fifteen contained a single burial (nine adults, three children, three infants), five contained two burials, and five contained between four and thirteen burials. The tombs with multiple burials are likely to have been family tombs, some of which were clearly used over a considerable period of time. Of the twenty-seven for which there is definite information, only nine contained any grave offerings at all and only one contained more than one object. Grave goods were normally containers, marble vessels in two cases but more often clay pots. In only one case was a grave offering something other than a vessel: a flint scraper deposited with an adult male, who is the only certainly male recipient of any grave offering. From the settlement comes evidence of metalworking on the site in the form of pieces of slag and of burnt clay fragments of furnace-lining or of crucibles. Four fragmentary copper artifacts from the site (the single piece analyzed was almost pure copper) were unfortunately surface finds, but there is little reason not to accept them as representative of the sort of metal artifact in use during the site’s occupation. Most of the chipped stone on the site is obsidian which was clearly locally worked and of which a far larger percentage consists of blades than at Saliagos. Half-a-dozen tools of flint/ chert are certainly imported. Eight terracotta figurines, all but one found in the cemetery although not in the tombs themselves, are either small, crudely modelled female figures (four examples), heads which resemble in their flat, backward-tilting faces and prominent noses the later marble Early Cycladic figurines (three examples), or {ithyphallic} [sexually aroused, as indicated by a prominent penile erection] males (one example). Among the pottery, the most common shapes are bowls, jars, and scoops. Decoration, when it occurs, may consist of incision, pattern-burnishing, or crusted decoration in red or white applied after firing. Of considerable interest are the impressions of woven mats on seventeen potsherds and of cloth on three more sherds.The Culture The Kephala culture, assignable to the Final Neolithic period, has numerous connections with sites in Attica (Athens, Thorikos, Kitsos Cave) and the Saronic Gulf (Kolonna on Aegina). The extramural cemetery at Kephala is, after the appreciably earlier cemeteries of corbelling burials from Souphli and Plateia Magoula Zarkou in Thessaly, the Aegean’s first communal burial ground to be located outside of a cave. The tomb types, marble vessels, and some of the figurines anticipate those characteristic of the subsequent Grotta-Pelos culture, the earliest Bronze Age culture thus far identified in the islands. The evidence from Kephala for Neolithic metalwork corresponds in date with that from contemporary Knossos on Crete, Pefkakia in Thessaly, and Sitagroi in eastern Macedonia, but only at Kephala and Sitagroi do slags or crucibles attest to the actual practice of some kind of metallurgy. Roughly contemporary deposits of copper artifacts accompanied by gold and silver objects with undeniable parallels among the treasures found in the rich Neolithic burials at Varna in coastal Bulgaria have also been found in the Cave of Zas on Naxos and in the Alepotrypa Cave on the west coast of the Mani in southern Laconia. Such distant contacts are eloquent testimony to the impressive distances over which objects were being exchanged by sea in the Aegean during the later fourth millennium B.C.A Final Neolithic Successor to the Saliagos Culture? Recent excavations at Grotta on Naxos have produced white-on-dark painted pottery reminiscent of that of the Saliagos Culture but here associated with an obsidian chipped stone industry consisting primarily of blades. The excavator has suggested that this assemblage, rather than that described above as the Kephala Culture, may be typical of the central Aegean islands at the end of the Neolithic and may have a better claim to being the direct ancestor of the Grotta-Pelos Culture, the Cyclades’ earliest Bronze Age assemblage. The Kephala culture may thus be limited to Attica and islands in the adjacent waters of the Saronic Gulf and the westernmost Aegean.

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